State Department Daily Press Briefing, VIDEO, PODCAST, TEXT, 07/31/06

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Daily Press Briefing, Spokesman Sean McCormack, FULL STREAMING VIDEO, file is windows media format, running time is 36:58 PODCAST, file is mp3 in m3u format for streaming playback, running time is 36:17, DOWNLOAD, file is mp3 format for PODCAST, running time is 36:17, Washington, DC, July 31, 2006

Department Spokesman Sean McCormack (shown during the Daily Press Briefing) was sworn in as Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs and Department Spokesman on June 2, 2005.

Immediately prior to returning to the State Department, Mr. McCormack served as Special Assistant to the President, Spokesman for the National Security Council, and Deputy White House Press Secretary for Foreign Policy. State Department Photo by Michael Gross. TRANSCRIPT:, 12:40 p.m. EST.

MR. MCCORMACK: Good afternoon. I have one brief opening statement and then we can get into questions. We'll release the whole text of the statement after the briefing. This is concerning the UN Security Council Resolution on Iran that passed 14 to 1 just this morning.

"We are extremely pleased by the UN Security Council's clear and strong action today by adopting Resolution 1696. This tough resolution sends an unequivocal and mandatory message to Tehran: Take the steps required by the IAEA Board of Governors, including full and sustained suspension of all enrichment-related and reprocessing activities, including research and development, and suspend construction of the heavy water reactor. In setting a deadline for August 31st for Iran's full, unconditional, and immediate compliance, this significant resolution expresses the international community's determination to deal firmly with the direct threat to international peace and security posed by Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons."

With that, I'm happy to take your questions.

QUESTION: All right. Well, the way ahead now on --

QUESTION: Can I ask for a moment to speak on this one, on the resolution?

MR. MCCORMACK: Do you yield the forum, Mr. Schweid?

QUESTION: I do.

MR. MCCORMACK: All right.

QUESTION: Thank you. Very, very kind indeed.

MR. MCCORMACK: All right.

QUESTION: He's been traveling.

QUESTION: The only vote against the resolution was the one of Qatar. Since Qatar is a very good U.S. ally in the Persian Gulf, I wonder whether you had discussions with them and do you know why they voted the way they did?

MR. MCCORMACK: I think John Bolton talked to them. They had an explanation of the vote and John, in public, just a while ago, said that he understood that it was a matter of timing, not a matter of substance. We'll take them at their word in that regard. I don't know if we are going to have any other follow-up conversations with them, Nicholas.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) the United States thought that this could have been a stronger resolution, specifically with regard to immediate sanction?

MR. MCCORMACK: This is exactly what we said we were going to get when we started this process and it's what we have. It has -- it contains in it, if you look at the resolution, a statement that if Iran does not comply with what the international community has asked it to do, then it is subject to sanctions. And that's something that we will -- if they don't comply, then we'll take up after the August 31st deadline.

QUESTION: Sean.

MR. MCCORMACK: Yeah.

QUESTION: Iran had talked to the UN body, if there is a resolution against Iran, then they will not negotiate or talk to anyone else at all about their nuclear program.

MR. MCCORMACK: Uh-huh; are they're going to stomp their feet and hold their breath until they turn blue, too? Look; this is -- the international community has been very clear in what is required of Iran. I can't explain to you what's going into their calculation, why they have not complied. Either they are -- have some idea that they gain by willfully going against the will of the international community or they have something to hide. You know, I don't know what the explanation is, but it is in their interests, it's in the interest of the international community and the Iranian people for them to comply.

What has been offered to them is a pathway to realize the kind of peaceful uses of nuclear energy that they say they want. That's what they've said, so the international community has offered them a pathway. All we're doing is asking -- we, the IAEA, and the P-5+1 and now the UN Security Council is asking them to suspend all their enrichment-related activities so that we can have negotiations. It's not asking them to decide what the endpoint of those negotiations is. That's what the deal is here. We and the P-5+1 will suspend activity within the Security Council in return for their suspending activity in their uranium enrichment-related programs. It's very simple.

They've chosen, to this point, to defy the call of the international community and we'll see what happens in the intervening time. They have an opportunity now, during the month of August, to meet with the call of the international community. We'll see if they do so.

QUESTION: Sean, you think -- just to follow quick, you think they have in mind this -- that if Pakistan can keep it, then why they can't keep it?

MR. MCCORMACK: You know, Goyal, I can't -- you know, I can't go into the decision-making processes of the Iranian leadership.

Yeah, Barry, did you have any other questions?

QUESTION: Yeah, I wondered about the way ahead. The Secretary is on the way home. She's seeing the President this evening?

MR. MCCORMACK: Anything else on Iran?

QUESTION: Yes.

QUESTION: And -- more on Iran?

MR. MCCORMACK: Yeah, I think we have one more Iran.

QUESTION: Okay.

MR. MCCORMACK: Okay, yes.

QUESTION: Apparently, the next step will be very clear, because at the end of August, you're not going to see anything or hear anything from Iran. Then that will be the sanction; is it?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, we'll see. I'm not going to try to predict what reaction they're going to have to this. I saw one news report saying that the resolution has no legal basis, so I'm not sure what that means. This is a Security Council resolution that has the basis -- it was based in international law that requires them to do this. A member of the United Nations, this resolution requires them to take certain actions. We'll see if they comply with that. We'll see. I'm not going to try to predict one way or the other. We hope that they do in fact take up the opportunity that has been offered them and -- but we'll see. We'll see. The decision is up to them.

James.

QUESTION: Given that Iran had six or eight weeks to consider the package and made no discernible movements in the direction the allies wanted to see, why was Iran given in this resolution a full -- another full month to ponder things again?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, this is the approach that we have been pursuing for some time, James, and Secretary Rice laid this out several -- laid it out several months ago, back to May, that we would pursue an approach of gradually trying to step up the pressure on Iran to maybe heighten some of the choices for them and that they might see their way clear to engage in serious, constructive negotiations with the international community. Thus far they have chosen not to pursue that pathway of negotiations so the pressure is going to gradually increase on them. The hope is that they will take up this opportunity.

This is a resolution that passed 14 to 1. That's a pretty strong signal to the Iranian regime. They don't have anywhere to hide right now. They can't hide behind anybody. They at this point don't have any protectors. So the spotlight is on them to see whether or not they are going to make the tough decision. Are they going to pursue the pathway of negotiation? Are they going to pursue the pathway of further isolation? This resolution shows that they are now pursuing -- they are going down that road of further isolation.

QUESTION: Just as a matter of fact, have discussions begun with other countries about what the future steps will be if in fact there is no movement from Iran?

MR. MCCORMACK: In general, yes. In general, there is the package that was agreed upon in Vienna in which there was the positive pathway and the negative pathway. On the negative side there was a menu, if you will, of possible sanctions that all agreed among the P-5+1 would be on the table. Now, when to use any particular sanction or group of sanctions is going to be a point of discussion. So there is already agreement on the use of sanctions. And as for specific discussions, James, I'll have to see if there's anything more that I can add to it. I think certainly there have been general discussions but I don't think it's really gone beyond that, certainly at the senior political level.

Barry, we come to you.

QUESTION: Yeah, can we try to look ahead?

MR. MCCORMACK: Yes.

QUESTION: She's on her way home. Sees the President. Has contact with the Lebanese Prime Minister. What else can you tell us about if you have a report from the plane, any calls to leaders and what's the game plan now?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, she talked of that quite a bit --

QUESTION: I know.

MR. MCCORMACK: -- talked about this quite a bit, Barry. I don't know how much more I'd have to add. I'm just getting read in myself.

QUESTION: Well, let's try contacts if you could. Any special contacts, any additional contacts from the plane?

MR. MCCORMACK: Not that I'm aware of, Barry. She's talked to recently over the course of last night and this morning talked to Foreign Minister Livni, talked to Prime Minister Siniora, talked to Secretary General Annan, and those are the only calls that I have, Barry. I think that -- I think you -- everybody is pretty much up to date. She talked a little bit on the plane, plane ride from the Middle East into Shannon, Ireland about the fact she had spoken with Siniora. So I think as far as I know, we're up to date.

QUESTION: One last thing. Well, I'm sure there are a lot of things. But the plan to try to move a resolution or an agreement at least on peacekeeping, on an international security force, does that remain on course? Does that remain something she's going to pursue, possibly by going to the UN this week?

MR. MCCORMACK: Her personally going to the UN?

QUESTION: Well, new question.

MR. MCCORMACK: Right.

QUESTION: Are you going to pursue that course? Will she jump in there?

MR. MCCORMACK: We're on the -- well, she's already in, Barry.

QUESTION: I mean (inaudible.)

MR. MCCORMACK: In terms of the pathway ahead, she laid it out. She gave you guys a statement from Jerusalem. She elaborated a bit on that statement during the press briefing on the plane ride over. Don't have a whole lot to add to that. Yes, we are seriously engaged up in New York. I think it's fair to -- if you want to look at this, where the center of gravity in terms of diplomatic activity is, I think it's shifting to New York now. And you're going to have a lot of discussions up in New York about the three-track approach, mutually reinforcing approach that the Secretary talked about and -- talked about and there's going to be a lot of discussion about how you memorialize those agreements, encapsulate those agreements in the form of a resolution. So that discussion is already taking place up in New York. I expect it to take place during this week. As for her personally going up there, Barry, we'll -- you know, we'll keep you up to date. Stay tuned on that.

QUESTION: I have just one more thing again then. There's a partial ceasefire. Do you -- are you talking about -- literally about putting that in a resolution or do you mean the larger top -- your larger interest in a ceasefire? Am I making sense?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, there's an action that the Israeli Government decided to take on its own. We applauded that. And that was -- they said that there'd be 48 hours of suspension of aerial bombardment. The caveat to that would be they were going to take action to defend themselves if there were those groups or individuals who were going to be engaged in attacking Israel. I think that that is what we've seen. We've talked to them about the importance of -- I mean, if keeping to that promise of that 48 hours not only keeping to the principle of it, but also looking at very carefully at its application to make sure that its application followed the principle. They also agreed upon this 24-hour period in which for humanitarian reasons they would allow aid in and people to leave. Those are things that we certainly have praised.

And as for any more durable action, Barry, I think that is something that again, we're trying to negotiate with our international partners, with the Israel Government, with the Lebanese Government and others, so that you have a durable ceasefire that takes place within a political context that a ceasefire supports. You want to have a ceasefire supporting some lasting political solution and then to support enforcement of that and to see that it happens, you want to have an international force in support of the Lebanese Government taking control of Lebanese territory in the south. So that's what we're working on.

QUESTION: I'm just trying to clarify, for these interim measures, you are trying to enshrine in resolutions? Or are you still looking for a way to --

MR. MCCORMACK: We're looking for --

QUESTION: -- on the main (inaudible).

MR. MCCORMACK: We're looking for a durable solution, Barry.

QUESTION: Okay.

MR. MCCORMACK: A durable solution.

James.

QUESTION: Is there any evidence to suggest whether Hezbollah has responded in kind during this 48-hour period that began?

MR. MCCORMACK: James, I, you know, I couldn't say. I know that yesterday there were I think -- one estimate of 100 rocket attacks. I can't tell you whether or not that's accurate, but certainly provocative and aggressive actions on the part of Hezbollah have continued, whether or not militarily on the ground that continues as of this hour, I can't tell you. I don't have an assessment of that.

QUESTION: Referring specifically to reports of Hezbollah firing on an Israeli ship.

MR. MCCORMACK: I'll have to look into it, James. I don't have the latest on that.

QUESTION: And I just wondered lastly if you would elaborate maybe on something that Under Secretary Burns said over the weekend.

MR. MCCORMACK: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: Namely, he said that he was asked why Hezbollah would have any particularly incentive to make itself part of any peace agreement, given that it's sworn to destroying Israel and so on. And his response was, well, these last few weeks have not been positive ones for Hezbollah. How so? Has Hezbollah not -- is it not gaining in some public relations sphear or why should we believe that Hezbollah has not profited from this in some way?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, certainly we don’t' want to -- I don't think anybody, except maybe for Hezbollah and its backers, wants to see Hezbollah profit from this. But clearly there has been some degradation of their capability to carry out attacks across borders. I can't give you an assessment of that. Military experts can give you a more precise assessment of the extent of that degradation. And you have also from the very beginning, James, seen the region really rally around the idea that Hezbollah was the group that precipitated this violence, this current violence. And that they have been condemned for that -- for their actions.

They are in essence, along with Syria and Iran, are isolated from the rest of the Arab world. And you notice that you have countries like Egypt, you have countries like Saudi Arabia, countries like Jordan in the region working together with the international community, working together with us to come up with a lasting solution. Nobody wants to go back to the status quo ante, with the caveat maybe Hezbollah and some of its backers do. So they find themselves isolated. And I think over time in a democracy you don't -- people don't want to have some group, some small group that has not been elected to lead a nation be able to drag that nation into war. And we all want to get to the point where the Lebanese people are able to exercise their will through the ballot box, to choose who's going to lead them and that those leaders will have the ability to exercise control over the institutions of a government and control -- and that control will extend to an entire country.

That's what we all want to see. That's what we mean when we talk about a durable solution. So you don't have terrorist groups like Hezbollah who can drag the Lebanese people, the Israeli people and an entire region into the kind of violence that we have seen over the past couple weeks.

QUESTION: But it's focused on the Lebanese Government.

MR. MCCORMACK: They have a couple of --

QUESTION: The Lebanese.

MR. MCCORMACK: They have a couple ministers. But Prime Minister Siniora made very clear that the Lebanese Government was not aware that Hezbollah was intending to take this action or had taken this action until they -- I don't know exactly how they found out, but they had no -- they didn't have foreknowledge of this event, Barry, which makes the point, which makes the point that the government of -- the government -- you have a group operating outside the boundaries of the democratic institutions -- granted, these are fledgling democratic institutions in Lebanon -- but nonetheless democratic institutions that have the imprimatur of the Lebanese people. This group operate -- was operating outside that.

QUESTION: Why as a rhetorical or factual matter should jihadists around the world not point to this episode and cry victory? The jihadists, the Hezbollah faction, stood up to the mighty IDF and withstood it and took its best shots and was left standing and is now being courted by world powers for its acquiescence in a multinational force. Why as a rhetorical or a factual matter should jihadists not look upon this as a great victory?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, you know, we'll see exactly how they come out of this, James. Nobody wants -- nobody wants to see them back in the position in which they were. What was the position in which they found themselves? Encamped on Lebanon's southern border with Israel with the ability to fire rockets at will into Israel, the ability to launch raids over the Israeli border and kill Israeli citizens, capture Israeli soldiers. We don't want to go back to that.

And what Secretary -- and that's the point the President and Secretary Rice have made from the very beginning. You don't want them to be able to claim this as some sort of victory. You want to make sure that you don't get back to that point. And so that's why Secretary Rice has been working so hard -- see you, Barry.

QUESTION: Sorry.

MR. MCCORMACK: That's all right.

QUESTION: You've said so much I had to put it out.

MR. MCCORMACK: I know, I know. Pearls of wisdom.

QUESTION: If you would only embroider it. (Laughter.)

QUESTION: Well --

MR. MCCORMACK: Go ahead, James.

QUESTION: Should -- I mean, I'm not saying that I agree with this point of view, but I'm sure you're aware that it's out there and I wonder if at that podium you can explain or disabuse jihadists or anyone else out there who might be tempted to so characterize this --

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, you know, I don't think I'm going to be able to convince too many jihadists, people who are committed to wanton acts of violence. I mean, I'm not sure how many of them are listening to my press briefing.

QUESTION: Don't sell yourself short, my friend. (Laughter.)

MR. MCCORMACK: Right. Look, these are the kind of people that are committed to taking innocent life. You know, they don't play by any particular rules and they can make all the kinds of claims that they want. But what we are concerned with and what responsible states in the region are concerned with is trying to help the people of the region build a more peaceful, prosperous Middle East and a more peaceful, prosperous Lebanon. That's what they want. We think that most people want to send their kids to school, be able to go to work every single day, and realize a better life for themselves and for their children. And that's what we are working with the states of the region to try to accomplish.

There are those who -- you know, those who are committed to violence, the violent jihadists that you talk about. They are -- some -- most are probably irreconcilable to any sort of political solution. They have to be dealt with and we, as well as others around the world, are committed to dealing with them. There are others who may have some political grievances. What we say to them is, there is an avenue in which you can peacefully address political viewpoints, different points of view. That is through a democratic political process. And you can use that process to try to exercise some influence, but you can do that in a peaceful way, not in a violent way.

Yes.

QUESTION: The Secretary meets with President Bush tonight for dinner at 7 o'clock after everybody gets home. What will they discuss that hasn't already been broached? And Stephen Hadley, the National Security Advisor, is also there. What's on the agenda? Can you kind of shape it out for us?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, you know, I don't think -- not going to get into what the Secretary is going to talk about with the President in any particular detail. He talked -- he himself talked about the fact that he's going to sit down with her and talk about what it is that she has heard, talk about the ideas that she has heard in the region, what blocks, elements she has put in place to try to build a durable solution to bring about an end to the violence in a way that we don't end up back here in three months or three years.

So that's, very basically, what they're going to talk about. And obviously, they'll have a lot more detailed conversation than I've just gotten into, but that's essentially it.

QUESTION: One of the things that came up in one of the background briefings at the White House was whether there has been some foot-dragging. It's a week later than when she was first called upon to urge the immediate ceasefire that'll be coming out as part of the resolution. Is there any retrospective analysis now that maybe she should have gotten on board a little sooner?

MR. MCCORMACK: She talked about that. She talked about that before she left. And you don't want to send the Secretary of State or any minister out to the region on a -- you know, shuttle to nowhere with no particular purpose. You got to have a plan. And what she brought with her out there were ideas that she had developed with her advisors here and in consultation with other members of the international community about how to bring about a durable end to the violence and not bring about the kind of solution whereby you allow Hezbollah and other extremist groups just to -- an opportunity, under the shield of the cease-fire, to regroup, rearm, and strengthen themselves.

She talked about the fact that this was an important moment for the Middle East. And we do mourn the loss of innocent life. I don't think that there is anybody in the leadership of this government who doesn't mourn the loss of innocent life. But let's remember why those people lost their lives. They lost their lives because a terrorist group launched an attack into the territory of a sovereign state. We don't want to see that happen again. We don't want to be back at the point three years from now where more innocent people lose their lives.

So while they're -- while we have seen tragic circumstances unfold as a result of the violence that was precipitated by Hezbollah, we don't want to get in a position whereby we just buy ourselves more of that kind of violence, that -- more of that kind of innocent death in the future by securing what may be an expedient solution, but not something that is going to be durable or lasting.

Yes.

QUESTION: Sean, after those initial statements from some of the Arab countries strongly criticizing Hezbollah, there has been criticism of the United States for not calling for a cease-fire. It was very clear in Rome last week that except for the British, everybody, including the Europeans, were very frustrated with the United States' support of Israel as much as it was publicly expressed.

I wonder, since Karen Hughes actually was on the trip -- is on the trip and I think this is the first time that she's gone with the Secretary, actually, on an entire trip, are you trying to explain to your allies, even their publics, what the roots of this strong support of Israel are and how you might -- you know, will try to deal with public opinion in the Arab world, even in Europe?

MR. MCCORMACK: The Secretary asked Karen to come along on this trip in her role as Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy. Karen is at the crossroads of policy and public diplomacy for the Administration, so I think the Secretary thought it was very useful to have her on the trip. I think that Karen has found it very useful to be on the trip.

Look; there is -- part of -- oftentimes, sticking by principle and operating on the basis of principle in policy will buy you some criticism. We understand that. People should not, however, mistake that for the United States not caring about the loss of innocent life. In fact, we have been from the very beginning forthright in talking to the Israeli Government both in public and in private, about the importance of avoiding civilian casualties, taking every possible measure to avoid the loss of innocent life, to do everything it can to avoid undermining the legitimate democratic institutions of the Lebanese Government.

Sadly, we have seen incidences where innocent life was taken. But let's also remember, you know, as I said before how this started. This started because of Hezbollah. But let's also remember about how Hezbollah operates. This is a group of people that will hide themselves in the most cowardly fashion possible among innocent civilians. They will hide themselves among children and families to launch rockets and to bring violence down upon other innocent civilians across the border in Israel.

That's the kind of despicable group of people that we're dealing with. And so this is very tough for any democratic state like Israel to deal with. But we have stood by firmly the principle that a sovereign state, sovereign democratic state has the right to defend itself. And when there are instances that need to be looked into as the Israeli Government has said with Qana. They look into it. And that's the way democratic states operate. There's no such accountability mechanism for a terrorist group like Hezbollah who, like I said, kill, target innocent life and target that innocent life while hiding among innocent civilian populations.

QUESTION: Is -- is Karen going to engage in some sort of an effort as a follow-up to the trip since she's seen and she's been in virtually every meetings that the Secretary’s had. Do you know if she's going to do follow-up work when she comes back here and -- because as you know, most of your allies as far as the United States is concerned, Israel can do no wrong. So an explanation or some of an effort to engage other publics might be something that she might consider. I'm just wondering.

MR. MCCORMACK: You know, I don’t know. I haven't talked to her about what her plans to engage foreign publics might be. Certainly our Ambassador should be out there explaining U.S. policy, that's part of their job and we expect them to do that. And you know, as for any other forms of communication, she'll certainly do what she thinks is right in terms of dealing with those international audiences.

Joel.

QUESTION: Within the hour, former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Martin Indyk announced to a Brookings Forum that Israel troops were amassed upon the Golan Heights as a defensive measure, they're calling up additional reservists. Now we don't have the best of relations right now with Syria. But who's to say and what are you talking among our allies to make certain, if at all possible, that Hezbollah wouldn't broaden this war and maybe fire its rockets into up northern Iraq at American troops and such.

MR. MCCORMACK : Well, I think the Israeli Government has made it clear that it has no desire to expand this conflict. Their target is Hezbollah.

Yeah. Goyal.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) last week, many Iranians were demonstrating in Washington for freedom and democracy and human rights. All the U.S. attempts now in the midst of all this Iranian nuclear as far as freedom and those voices are being still heard by Washington?

MR. MCCORMACK: Of course, the United States still stands for human rights and democracy in Iran and we talk about it consistently. I know that oftentimes, because of the news of the day, we focus quite a bit on the nuclear issue. It's a very important issue, certainly for peace and security in the region and in the world. But also fundamental to peace and security in the region, is a responsible Iranian state that operates as a democracy and that respects the rights of its citizens. Certainly that is in everybody's interest, not the least of which would be Iran's citizens.

QUESTION: No, I meant is there really -- even talking about this before also, but what's the U.S. is doing and how these voices are being heard because they have been demonstrating in the past also. And the U.S. has been saying the same thing in the past, also that U.S. will recognize their stand for democracy and human rights. But in which way are you going to help them out or how can they achieve their goals?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, Goyal, we don't need people demonstrating to remind us to try to promote freedom and democracy in Iran. We have taken a number of different steps here in the State Department to expand our abilities to reach the Iranian people through media as well as other means. We have also expanded our abilities to understand what is going on inside Iran. We don't have a diplomatic presence inside Iran, but certainly there's a lot that we can do in terms of applying personnel resources and the brain power of the State Department to better understand what is going on inside Iran. So this has been an effort that Secretary Rice is focused on, Under Secretary Burns is focused on it as well as Assistant Secretary Welch. So we're doing quite a bit.

Yeah. Yes, ma'am.

QUESTION: On North Korea. Can you confirm reports that the U.S. Government has taken steps to impose a ban on travel to North Korea?

MR. MCCORMACK: A ban on travel?

QUESTION: Yeah. There is an Asian Pacific travel company and they were allowed -- they were authorized to say by them -- to allow citizens to travel to North Korea and that --

MR. MCCORMACK: I'll look into it for you.

QUESTION: Thank you.

MR. MCCORMACK: Yes, ma'am.

QUESTION: On North Korea again, yesterday Assistant Secretary Hill said that United States has measures to further isolate North Korea so that they cannot go on developing nuclear program. Is the United States planning a new set of sanctions on North Korea or at least is the United States planning to strengthen the current sanctions regime.

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, you always look for opportunities to -- use defensive measures, what we -- those kind of defensive measures that we've used in the past to defend the United States currency and also to prevent North Korea from exporting its wares in terms of weaponry around the world. This is -- it would be perfectly consistent with the UN Security Council Resolution that passed 15-0, not two weeks ago, which calls upon the states to look at what they can do to ensure that North Korean regime doesn't, in any way, benefit in such a way that it would further its weapons of mass destruction or missile programs. And certainly the world doesn't want to see the North Korean open arms bazaar continue in which they try to export these kind of wares to states around the world.

Dave.

QUESTION: Sean, there's a press report this morning that China is refusing to take back many thousands of undocumented people who have been detained in the United States. In addition, insisting that, as a condition for accepting the repatriation of these people, the United States send back Falun Gong and other types of asylum seekers. Is that an issue you're aware of and --

MR. MCCORMACK: I'll look into it for you, Dave.

QUESTION: Okay. Yeah.

MR. MCCORMACK: Goyal.

QUESTION: One on India. Sean, last week the House passed a resolution on civil nuclear agreement between the United States and India by 359 to 68. What number of -- they had some amendments. They were also discussing in the Indian parliament, I understand, on these amendments and there was some criticism of too many amendments. Have you heard, on the State Department, from the Indian authorities about these amendments and also what is the next step -- of course, it's the United States Senate, but how the Secretary is taking all this --

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, we're -- yeah, Goyal, we're working closely with the Hill. But, you know, this is a democratic process. I think the parliamentarians in India are well familiar with that and our Legislative Branch has certain prerogatives and they exercise those prerogatives. We have been working very closely with them so that they exercise those prerogatives in such a way, in the form of amendments or other types of things, so that the fundamental principles of the agreement with India are not touched so that you can move forward on this agreement. But certainly the Legislative Branch has a say in this matter.

Joel.

QUESTION: This morning the Security Council met at the United Nations and apparently both Russia and China abstained. They're not willing to push the Iranian question so you wanted an immediate answer from the Iranians. Again it's put off until the end of August. Is this acceptable?

MR. MCCORMACK: This is -- again, this is how this process was envisioned to unfold in which you would have this resolution if Iran had not taken up the offer and that there was a going to be a period of time for them to consider the fact that they just had a resolution passed against them, in this case 14-1. And that this resolution contains a date, August 31st. It calls upon them to come into compliance with what the now Security Council has required them to do. This is -- all I can say about the process is, this is really how we had envisioned the process unfolding in the case that Iran chose not to take up the offer the international community had presented to them in the -- by the way of a negotiated pathway.

Samir.

QUESTION: What does (inaudible) mean by the timing?

MR. MCCORMACK: I don't know, you'll have to talk to them.

Thank you very much.

(The briefing was concluded at 1:15 p.m.), DPB # 127 Released on July 31, 2006

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President Bush Remarks Middle East (VIDEO)

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Lebanon or Tony Blair and Secretary of State Rice or United Nations Security Council and VIDEO or Middle East

President Bush's Remarks on the Situation in the Middle East, FULL STREAMING VIDEO, The South Lawn, 4:12 P.M. EDT, In Focus: The Road Map to Peace,

President George W. Bush addresses reporters on the South Lawn of the White House Sunday, July 30, 2006, saying America will work together with members of the United Nations Security Council

to develop a solution that will bring a sustainable peace to the conflict in Lebanon. White House photo by Paul Morse.

THE PRESIDENT: The current situation in the Middle East is a reminder that all of us must work together to achieve a sustainable peace. America mourns the loss of innocent life. It's a tragic occasion when innocent people are killed, and so our sympathies go out to those who lost their lives today, and lost their lives throughout this crisis.

I've been in touch with Secretary of State Rice twice today. She'll be returning tomorrow, where she'll brief me on her discussions with leaders in the Middle East. I also talked to Tony Blair. The United States is resolved to work with members of the United Nations Security Council to develop a resolution that will enable the region to have a sustainable peace, a peace that lasts, a peace that will enable mothers and fathers to raise their children in a hopeful world.

May God bless those who lost their lives.

END 4:14 P.M. EDT, For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, July 30, 2006

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The World Map of Happiness

Technorati Tags: University of Leicester or world map of happiness and Analytic Social Psychologist or psychology and health or wealth and anthropologists or ethnographic and meta-analysis or biology, and education,

Key: Red = High Levels of Happiness, credit line: Adrian White, Analytic Social Psychologist, University of Leicester. This is an interactive map

University of Leicester produces the first-ever 'world map of happiness', Happiness is ... being healthy, wealthy and wise

Adrian White, Analytic Social Psychologist at the University of Leicester produces first ever global projection of international differences in subjective well-being; the first ever World Map of Happiness.
UK 41st out of 178 countries for happiness.

Happiness is found to be most closely associated with health, followed by wealth and then education.

A University of Leicester psychologist has produced the first ever 'world map of happiness.'

Adrian White, an analytic social psychologist at the University's School of Psychology, analysed data published by UNESCO, the CIA, the New Economics Foundation, the WHO, the Veenhoven Database, the Latinbarometer, the Afrobarometer, and the UNHDR, to create a global projection of subjective well-being: the first world map of happiness.

The projection, which is to be published in a psychology journal this September, will be presented at a conference later in the year. Participants in the various studies were asked questions related to happiness and satisfaction with life. The meta-analysis is based on the findings of over 100 different studies around the world, which questioned 80,000 people worldwide. For this study data has also been analysed in relation to health, wealth and access to education.

Whilst collecting data on subjective well-being is not an exact science, the measures used are very reliable in predicting health and welfare outcomes. It can be argued that whilst these measures are not perfect they are the best we have so far, and these are the measures that politicians are talking of using to measure the relative performance of each country.

The researchers have argued that regular testing as a collaboration between academics in different countries would enable us to track changes in happiness, and what events may cause that. For example what effect would a war, or famine, or national success have on a country's members' happiness. .

Adrian White said: "The concept of happiness, or satisfaction with life, is currently a major area of research in economics and psychology, most closely associated with new developments in positive psychology. It has also become a feature in the current political discourse in the UK.

"There is increasing political interest in using measures of happiness as a national indicator in conjunction with measures of wealth. A recent BBC survey found that 81% of the population think the Government should focus on making us happier rather than wealthier.

"It is worth remembering that the UK is doing relatively well in this area, coming 41st out of 178 nations.

"Further analysis showed that a nation's level of happiness was most closely associated with health levels (correlation of .62), followed by wealth (.52), and then provision of education (.51).

"The three predictor variables of health, wealth and education were also very closely associated with each other, illustrating the interdependence of these factors.

"There is a belief that capitalism leads to unhappy people. However, when people are asked if they are happy with their lives, people in countries with good healthcare, a higher GDP per captia, and access to education were much more likely to report being happy.

"We were surprised to see countries in Asia scoring so low, with China 82nd, Japan 90th and India 125th. These are countries that are thought as having a strong sense of collective identity which other researchers have associated with well-being.

"It is also notable that many of the largest countries in terms of population do quite badly. With China 82nd, India 125th and Russia 167th it is interesting to note that larger populations are not associated with happy countries."

"The frustrations of modern life, and the anxieties of the age, seem to be much less significant compared to the health, financial and educational needs in other parts of the World. The current concern with happiness levels in the UK may well be a case of the 'worried well'."

The 20 happiest nations in the World are:
1. Denmark
2. Switzerland
3. Austria
4. Iceland
5. The Bahamas
6. Finland
7. Sweden
8. Bhutan
9. Brunei
10. Canada
11. Ireland
12. Luxembourg
13. Costa Rica
14. Malta
15. The Netherlands
16. Antigua and Barbuda
17. Malaysia
18. New Zealand
19. Norway
20. The Seychelles

Other notable results include:
23. USA
35. Germany
41. UK
62. France
82. China
90. Japan
125. India
167. Russia

The three least happy countries were:
176. Democratic Republic of the Congo
177. Zimbabwe
178. Burundi

1. This is the first map to illustrate international differences in happiness.

2. UK comes 41st out of 178 countries.

3. UK doing better than most of our similar neighbours and competitors (France 62nd, Italy 50th, Spain 46th, Japan 90th, Chine 82nd, India 125th). However other counties did do better (Germany 35th, USA 23rd, Ireland 11th). A full copy of the league table is published below.

4. Health is more important than wealth or education. Further analysis was performed to examine the links between satisfaction with life and measures of life expectancy (health), wealth (GDP per capita) and education (access to secondary level education).It was found that satisfaction with life correlated most closely with health (a correlation of .62), followed by wealth (.52) and then education (.51). (All pearson's r correlations were significant at the p less than.001 level) 5. The map is based on an analysis of the results from over 100 studies. It uses data published by by UNESCO, the CIA, the New Economics Foundation, the WHO, the Veenhoven Database, the Latinbarometer, the Afrobarometer, and the UNHDR. 6. The map is being published in a psychology journal in September, and will be presented at a Psychology conference later in the year. Contact: Adrian White aw57@le.ac.uk 01-16-229-7155 University of Leicester

High Definition Formats are available from University of Leicester press office: email pressoffice@le.ac.uk, NOTE TO NEWSDESK: Adrian White is available for interviews. Please contact him either by email (AW57@LE.AC.UK) , or by telephone 07792475180 (mobile) or 0116 2297155 (office). To view an interactive version of the map online, or to download and view more information use this link: The World Map of Happiness

If you are interested in the environment and personality, and live in the UK, please feel free to participate in our online study on the environment by following this link: NEPS

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Freedom Calendar 07/29/06 - 08/05/06

September 29, 1963, Gov. George Wallace (D-AL) defies order by U.S. District Judge Frank Johnson, appointed by President Dwight Eisenhower, to integrate Tuskegee High School.

July 30, 1866, Democrat-controlled City of New Orleans orders police to storm racially-integrated Republican meeting; raid kills 40 and wounds more than 150.

July 31, 2000, African-American U.S. Rep. J. C. Watts (R-OK) presides over Republican National Convention in Philadelphia.

August 1, 1916, Republican presidential candidate Charles Evans Hughes, former New York Governor and U.S. Supreme Court Justice, endorses women’s suffrage constitutional amendment; he would become Secretary of State and Chief Justice.

August 2, 1810, Birth of anti-slavery activist and New Hampshire U.S. Rep. Amos Tuck, co-founder of the Republican Party.

August 3, 1990 President George, H. W. Bush declares first National American Indian Heritage Month.

August 4, 1965, Senate Republican Leader Everett Dirksen (R-IL) overcomes Democrat attempts to block 1965 Voting Rights Act; 94% of Senate Republicans vote for landmark civil right legislation, while 27% of Democrats oppose.

August 5, 1964, Hispanic-American Republican Lt. Everett Alvarez, USN, is shot down in Vietnam; becomes first U.S. prisoner of North Vietnamese and longest-serving POW in U.S. history.

"For 150 years, Republicans have worked to secure the civil rights of African-Americans, Hispanics, Asian-Americans, and every individual from every background and walk of life. We believe that every person contributes to America's rich cultural heritage. Americans of all races and creeds share the Republican commitment to creating job opportunities for all, giving children equal access to a quality education, and strengthening families and faith. This is the Republican agenda; this is the American agenda."

U.S. Rep. Dennis Hastert (R-IL) Speaker of the House

SOURCE: Republican Freedom Calendar

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Presidential Podcast 07/29/06

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House radio address or Secretary of State Rice and Prime Minister Tony Blair or United Nations Security Council and sustainable cease-fire or Israel and Lebanon or Hezbollah and PODCAST or Resolution 1559

Presidential Podcast 07/29/06

Subscribe to Our Odeo or podnova Podcast Channel and receive the weekly Presidential Radio Address in English and Spanish with select State Department Briefings. Featuring real audio and full text transcripts, More content Sources added often so stay tuned.

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bush radio address 07/29/06 full audio, text transcript

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House radio address or Secretary of State Rice and Prime Minister Tony Blair or United Nations Security Council and sustainable cease-fire or Israel and Lebanon or Hezbollah and PODCAST or Resolution 1559

bush radio address 07/29/06 full audio, text transcript. PODCAST and In Focus: The Road Map to Peace President's Radio Address

Subscribe to Our Odeo or podnova Podcast Channel and receive the weekly Presidential Radio Address in English and Spanish with select State Department Briefings. Featuring real audio and full text transcripts, More content Sources added often so stay tuned.

THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This week the international community continued to build a political and security framework to confront the crisis in the Middle East, a crisis that began with Hezbollah's unprovoked terrorist attacks on Israel. Secretary of State Rice traveled to Lebanon, Israel, and Europe, and met with key leaders to discuss a way forward. In Rome, she met with representatives of more than a dozen nations and international organizations. Our governments agreed to provide relief to the people of Lebanon, using corridors for humanitarian aid that Israel is opening. We pledged to support Lebanon's revival and reconstruction. And we agreed to continue to work for a sustainable cease-fire that will stop the current violence, end the suffering of people in Lebanon and Israel, and move us toward a lasting peace.

Yesterday, I met with Prime Minister Tony Blair to discuss our strategy to achieve these shared goals. We agreed that Lebanon's democratic government must be empowered to exercise full authority over its territory. Militias in Lebanon must be disarmed, the flow of illegal arms must be halted, and the Lebanese security services should deploy throughout the country. We also agreed that a robust multinational force must be dispatched to Lebanon quickly. An effective multinational force will help speed delivery of humanitarian relief, facilitate the return of displaced persons, and support the Lebanese government as it asserts full sovereignty over its territory and guards its borders. In addition, Iran must end its financial support and supply of weapons to terrorist groups such as Hezbollah -- and Syria must end its support for terrorism and respect Lebanon's sovereignty.

Secretary Rice will return to the region this weekend, and she will work with the leaders of Israel and Lebanon to seize this opportunity to achieve lasting peace and stability for both countries. Next week, the United Nations Security Council will also meet. We will work with our allies to adopt a resolution that establishes a framework to end the violence quickly, and mandates the multinational force. This approach will demonstrate the international community's determination to support the government of Lebanon, and defeat the threat from Hezbollah and its foreign sponsors. And this approach will make possible what so many around the world want to see: the end of Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, the return of Israeli soldiers taken hostage by terrorists, the suspension of Israel's operations in Lebanon, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces.

As we work to resolve this current crisis, we must recognize that Lebanon is the latest flashpoint in a broader struggle between freedom and terror that is unfolding across the region. For decades, American policy sought to achieve peace in the Middle East by promoting stability in the Middle East, yet these policies gave us neither. The lack of freedom in that region created conditions where anger and resentment grew, radicalism thrived, and terrorists found willing recruits. We saw the consequences on September the 11th, 2001, when terrorists brought death and destruction to our country, killing nearly 3,000 innocent Americans.

The experience of September the 11th made it clear that we could no longer tolerate the status quo in the Middle East. We saw that when an entire region simmers in violence, that violence will eventually reach our shores and spread across the entire world. The only way to secure our Nation is to change the course of the Middle East -- by fighting the ideology of terror and spreading the hope of freedom.

So we have launched a forward strategy for freedom in the broader Middle East, and that strategy has set in motion a transformation that is changing millions of lives for the better. From Kabul to Baghdad, to Beirut, and beyond, we've seen the birth of democratic governments that are striving to serve their people, reject terror, and work for peace. We're also seeing those who oppose democracy fighting its progress with all the destructive power they can muster. We see this in Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, in the suicide bombings that kill innocent Iraqis, and in al Qaeda's campaign of terror across the world.

The enemies of freedom have shown their ability to set back our efforts with deadly attacks, but ultimately they will fail. They will fail because courageous leaders in the region have stepped forward to defend freedom and set the Middle East on a better course. And they will fail because millions of people who have suffered decades of oppression and violence will choose to live in peace with their neighbors.

In Iraq, we will help Prime Minister Maliki's unity government defeat the terrorists, insurgents, and illegal militias and establish a democracy in the heart of the Middle East. In Lebanon, we will stand with the democratic government in its efforts to rid the country of terrorists and foreign influence and bring about a better life for the Lebanese people. In the Palestinian Territories, we will work with President Abbas to support the forces of moderation, and achieve our shared vision of two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-side in peace and security.

This moment of conflict in the Middle East is painful and tragic. Yet it is also a moment of opportunity for broader change in the region. Transforming countries that have suffered decades of tyranny and violence is difficult, and it will take time to achieve. But the consequences will be profound -- for our country and the world. When the Middle East grows in liberty and democracy, it will also grow in peace, and that will make America and all free nations more secure.

Thank you for listening.

END For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, July 29, 2006

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Discurso Radial del Presidente a la Nación 07/29/06

Etiquetas De Technorati: Discurso Radial del Presidente a la Nación, y Presidente Bush, o Medio Oriente y Secretaria del Rice del estado, o Líbano, o ataque del terrorista y Resolución 1559 o Israel y Primer ministro Tony Blair o Hezbollah

forre el audio de la dirección de radio 07/29/06 por completo, transcripción del texto. PODCAST Discurso Radial del Presidente.

Suscribir a nuestro canal de Podcast de Odeo o del podnova y recibir la dirección de radio presidencial semanal en inglés y español con informes selectos del departamento del estado. Ofreciendo transcripciones audio y con texto completo verdaderas, más fuentes contentas agregaron a menudo así que la estancia templó.

Para su publicación inmediata, Oficina del Secretario de Prensa, 29 de julio de 2006

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President Bush and Prime Minister Blair 07/28/06 VIDEO

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Prime Minister Tony Blair and United Kingdom or Lebanon and Iraq or Hezbollah and Middle East or VIDEO

President Bush and Prime Minister Blair of the United Kingdom Participate in Press Availability, FULL STREAMING VIDEO The East Room, 12:36 P.M. EDT

President George W. Bush is joined by Prime Minister Tony Blair of the United Kingdom as they walk through Cross Hall to the East Room of the White House Friday, July 28, 2006, to participate in a joint press availability. White House photo by Paul Morse.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you all. Prime Minister Tony Blair, welcome back to the White House. As you know, we've got a close relationship. You tell me what you think. You share with me your perspective -- and you let me know when the microphone is on. (Laughter.)

Today the Prime Minister and I talked about the ways we're working to advance freedom and human dignity across the world. Prime Minister Blair and I discussed the crisis in the Middle East. In Lebanon, Hezbollah and its Iranian and Syrian sponsors are willing to kill, and to use violence to stop the spread of peace and democracy -- and they're not going to succeed.

The Prime Minister and I have committed our governments to a plan to make every effort to achieve a lasting peace out of this crisis. Our top priorities in Lebanon are providing immediate humanitarian relief, achieving an end to the violence, ensuring the return of displaced persons, and assisting with reconstruction. We recognize that many Lebanese people have lost their homes, so we'll help rebuild the civilian infrastructure that will allow them to return home safely.

Our goal is to achieve a lasting peace, which requires that a free, democratic and independent Lebanese government be empowered to exercise full authority over its territory. We want a Lebanon free of militias and foreign interference, and a Lebanon that governs its own destiny, as is called for by U.N. Security Council Resolutions 1559 and 1680.

We agree that a multinational force must be dispatched to Lebanon quickly, to augment a Lebanese army as it moves to the south of that country. An effective multinational force will help speed delivery of humanitarian relief, facilitate the return of displaced persons, and support the Lebanese government as it asserts full sovereignty over its territory and guards its borders.

We're working quickly to achieve these goals. Tomorrow, Secretary Rice will return to the region. She will work with the leaders of Israel and Lebanon to seize this opportunity to achieve lasting peace and stability for both of their countries. Next week, the U.N. Security Council will meet, as well. Our goal is a Chapter 7 resolution setting out a clear framework for cessation of hostilities on an urgent basis, and mandating the multinational force.

Also at the United Nations, senior officials from many countries will meet to discuss the design and deployment of the multinational force. Prime Minister Blair and I agree that this approach gives the best hope to end the violence and create lasting peace and stability in Lebanon. This approach will demonstrate the international community's determination to support the government of Lebanon, and defeat the threat from Hezbollah and its foreign sponsors.

This approach will make possible what so many around the world want to see: the end of Hezbollah's attacks on Israel, the return of Israeli soldiers taken hostage by the terrorists, the suspension of Israel's operations in Lebanon, and the withdrawal of Israeli forces.

This is a moment of intense conflict in the Middle East. Yet our aim is to turn it into a moment of opportunity and a chance for a broader change in the region. Prime Minister Blair and I remain committed to the vision of two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-side in peace and security. This vision has been embraced by Israel, the Palestinians, and many others throughout the region and the world, and we will make every effort to make this vision a reality. The United States is committed to using all of its influence to seize this moment to build a stable and democratic Middle East.

We also talked about other regions and other challenges and other conflicts. The Prime Minister and I each met with the Prime Minister of Iraq this week. The U.S. and U.K. are working together to support the Prime Minister and his unity government, and we will continue to support that government.

Afghanistan's people and their freely-elected government can also count on our support. Our two nations urge Iran to accept the EU-3 offer, which also has the backing of Russia, China, and the United States. We agree that the Iranian regime will not be allowed to develop or acquire nuclear weapons. The suffering in Darfur deserves the name of genocide. Our two nations support a United Nations peacekeeping mission in Darfur, which is the best hope for the people in that region.

I want to thank you for coming. It's good to discuss these urgent matters with you. We will continue to consult with each other as events unfold in the Middle East and beyond. The alliance between Britain and America is stronger than ever, because we share the same values, we share the same goals, and we share the same determination to advance freedom and to defeat terror across the world.

Mr. Prime Minister.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you for your welcome to the White House once again. And first of all, I'd like to say some words about the present Middle East crisis, and then we'll talk about some of the other issues that we discussed.

What is happening in the Middle East at the moment is a complete tragedy for Lebanon, for Israel and for the wider region. And the scale of destruction is very clear. There are innocent lives that have been lost, both Lebanese and Israeli. There are hundreds of thousands of people that have been displaced from their homes, again, both in Lebanon and in Israel. And it's been a tremendous and terrible setback for Lebanon's democracy.

We shouldn't forget how this began, how it started. In defiance of the U.N. Resolution 1559, Hezbollah, for almost two years, has been fortifying and arming militia down in the south of Lebanon, when it is the proper and democratically elected government of Lebanon and its armed forces who should have control of that area, as they should of the whole of Lebanon. They then, in defiance of that U.N. resolution, crossed the U.N. blue line. As you know, they kidnapped two Israeli soldiers; they killed eight more. Then, of course, there was the retaliation by Israel, and there are rockets being fired from the south of Lebanon into the north of Israel the entire time.

So we know how this situation came about and how it started, and the question is, now, how to get it stopped and get it stopped with the urgency that the situation demands.

Since our meeting in St. Petersburg for the G8, we have been working hard on a plan to ensure that this happens. And as well as, obviously, the consultations that I've had with President Bush, I've spoken to President Chirac, Chancellor Merkel, Prime Minister Erdogan of Turkey, the President of the European Union, the Prime Minister of Finland, and many, many others.

And as the President has just outlined to you, I think there are three essential steps that we can take in order to ensure that there is the cessation of hostilities we all want to see. The first is, I welcome very much the fact that Secretary Rice will go back to the region tomorrow. She will have with her the package of proposals in order to get agreement both from the government of Israel and the government of Lebanon on what is necessary to happen in order for this crisis to stop.

Secondly, we are bringing forward to Monday the meeting in the United Nations about the international stabilization force. And again, this is something we've been discussing with various different countries over the past few days. The absolute vital importance of that force is that it is able to ensure that the agreement the international community comes to in respect of Lebanon is enforced, and that we have the government of Lebanon able to make its writ run fully with its own armed forces in the south of Lebanon.

And then, thirdly, as the President has just said to you, we want to see tabled and agreed a U.N. resolution as early as possible that will allow the cessation of hostilities. Provided that resolution is agreed and acted upon, we can, indeed, bring an end to this crisis. But nothing will work unless, as well as an end to the immediate crisis, we put in place the measures necessary to prevent it occurring again.

That is why I return at every opportunity to the basis of the United Nations Resolution 1559 -- almost two years ago now -- that said precisely what should happen in order to make sure that the southern part of Lebanon was not used as a base for armed militia. The purpose of what we are doing, therefore, is to bring about, yes, the cessation of hostilities, which we want to see as quickly and as urgently as possible, but also to put in place a framework that allows us to stabilize the situation for the medium and longer-term.

In addition to that, we, both of us, believe it is important that we take the opportunity to ensure that the Middle East peace process, which has been in such difficulty over the past few months, is given fresh impetus towards the two-state solution that we in the international community want to see. In the end, that is of fundamental importance, also, to the stability and peace of the region.

Now, in addition to all of these things -- and obviously, we discussed Iraq, as the President has just said, and the work that our troops are doing in Iraq and, indeed, in Afghanistan. And if I might, let me, once again, pay tribute to the quite extraordinary professionalism, dedication, bravery and commitment of the armed forces of both the United States and the United Kingdom, and the many other countries that are working there with us.

In addition to that, as the President indicated to you, we discussed the situation in the Sudan. We will have an opportunity to discuss other issues later, notably, obviously the World Trade talks and other such things. But I want to emphasize, just in concluding my opening remarks, by referring once again to the absolutely essential importance of ensuring that not merely do we get the cessation of hostilities now in Lebanon, and in respect of Israel, but that we take this opportunity -- since we know why this has occurred, we know what started it, we know what the underlying forces are behind what has happened in the past few weeks -- we take this opportunity to set out and achieve a different strategic direction for the whole of that region, which will allow the government of Lebanon to be in control of its country, Lebanon to be the democracy its people want, and also allow us to get the solution in respect of Palestine that we have wanted so long to see.

If we are able, out of what has been a tragedy, a catastrophe for many of the people in the region, to achieve such a thing, then we will have turned what has been a situation of tragedy into one of opportunity. And we intend to do that.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Good job.

Three questions a side. Tom.

Q Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, with support apparently growing among the Arab population, both Shia and Sunni, for Hezbollah by bounds, is there a risk that every day that goes by without a cease-fire will tip this conflict into a wider war?

And, Mr. President, when Secretary Rice goes back to the region, will she have any new instructions, such as meeting with Syrians?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Her instructions are to work with Israel and Lebanon to get a -- to come up with an acceptable U.N. Security Council resolution that we can table next week. And secondly, it's really important for people to understand that terrorists are trying to stop the advance of freedom, and therefore, it's essential that we do what's right and not necessarily what appears to be immediately popular.

There's a lot of suffering in Lebanon, because Hezbollah attacked Israel. There's a lot of suffering in the Palestinian Territory because militant Hamas is trying to stop the advance of democracy.

There is suffering in Iraq because terrorists are trying to spread sectarian violence and stop the spread of democracy. And now is the time for the free world to work to create the conditions so that people everywhere can have hope.

And those are the stakes, that's what we face right now. We've got a plan to deal with this immediate crisis. It's one of the reasons the Prime Minister came, to talk about that plan. But the stakes are larger than just Lebanon.

Isn't it interesting that when Prime Minister Olmert starts to reach out to President Abbas to develop a Palestinian state, militant Hamas creates the conditions so that there's crisis, and then Hezbollah follows up? Isn't it interesting, as a democracy takes hold in Iraq, that al Qaeda steps up its efforts to murder and bomb in order to stop the democracy?

And so one of the things that the people in the Middle East must understand is that we're working to create the conditions of hope and opportunity for all of them. And we'll continue to do that, Tom. That's -- this is the challenge of the 21st century.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: It's very obvious what the strategy of terrorism is, and of the actions that Hezbollah took. Their strategy is to commit an outrage that provokes a reaction, and then on the back of the reaction, to mobilize extreme elements, and then try and create a situation which even moderate people feel drawn to their case. That's the strategy.

And you, quite rightly, say, well, isn't there a danger that the Arab street and people in Arab Muslim countries become more sympathetic to Hezbollah as a result of what's happened? That is their strategy. How do we counter it? We counter it, one, by having our own strategy to bring the immediate crisis to an end, which we do. That is what is important about the Secretary of State visiting the region, getting an agreement, tabling it to the United Nations, getting the endorsement of the United Nations, having an international stabilization force to move into the situation. We've got to deal with the immediate situation.

But then, as the President was saying a moment or two ago, we've then got to realize what has happened in the past few weeks is not an isolated incident. It is part of a bigger picture. Now, I'm going to say some more things about this in the days to come, but we really will never understand how we deal with this situation unless we understand that there is a big picture out in the Middle East, which is about reactionary and terrorist groups trying to stop what the vast majority of people in the Middle East want, which is progress towards democracy, liberty, human rights, the same as the rest of us.

Now, that's the battle that's going on. And, yes, it is always very difficult when something like this happens, as it has happened over the past few weeks. So we've got to resolve the immediate situation, but we shouldn't be in any doubt at all, that will be a temporary respite unless we put in place the longer-term framework.

Q Mr. President, you spoke of having a plan to rebuild houses in Lebanon. Wouldn't the people of Lebanon rather know when you're going to tell the Israelis to stop destroying houses?

And, Prime Minister, you've talked of having a plan today, but isn't the truth that you and the President believe that Israel is on the right side in the war on terror and you want them to win this war, not to stop it?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Look, we care deeply about the people whose lives have been affected in Lebanon, just like we care deeply about the people whose lives have been affected in Israel. There's over a million people in Israel that are -- are threatened by this consistent rocket attack coming out of Lebanon. And, yes, we want to help people rebuild their lives, absolutely. But we also want to address the root causes of the problem. And the root cause of the problem is you've got Hezbollah that is armed and willing to fire rockets into Israel; a Hezbollah, by the way, that I firmly believe is backed by Iran and encouraged by Iran.

And so for the sake of long-term stability, we've got to deal with this issue now. Listen, the temptation is to say, it's too tough, let's just try to solve it quickly with something that won't last; let's just get it off the TV screens. But that won't solve the problem. And it's certainly not going to help the Lebanese citizens have a life that is normal and peaceful.

What is necessary is to help the Siniora government. And one way to help the Siniora government is to make aid available to help rebuild the houses that were destroyed. Another way to help the Siniora government is to implement 1559, which is the disarmament of armed militia inside his country.

And I -- look, we care deeply about the lives that have been affected on both sides of this issue, just like I care deeply about the innocent people who are being killed in Iraq, and people being denied a state in the Palestinian Territory. But make no mistake about it, it is the goal and aims of the terrorist organizations to stop that type of advance. That's what they're trying to do. They're trying to evoke sympathy for themselves. They're not sympathetic people. They're violent, cold-blooded killers who are trying to stop the advance of freedom.

And this is the calling of the 21st century, it seems like to me, and now is the time to confront the problem. And of course, we're going to help the people in Lebanon rebuild their lives. But as Tony said, this conflict started, out of the blue, with two Israeli soldiers kidnapped and rockets being fired across the border.

Now, we have urged restraint. We made it clear that we care about wanton destruction. On the other hand, in my judgment, it would be a big mistake not to solve the underlying problems. Otherwise everything will seem fine, and then you'll be back at a press conference, saying, how come you didn't solve the underlying problems?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: We feel deeply for people in Lebanon and people in Israel who are the innocent casualties of this conflict, of course, we do. And we want it to stop and we want it to stop now. And what we're putting forward today is actually a practical plan that would lead to a U.N. resolution, could be early next week, that would allow it, put in place the conditions for it to stop.

But what we've also got to do is to make sure that we recognize that this action wasn't simply aimed against Israel, and then Israel retaliated. It was also aimed against the proper government of Lebanon being able to control its own country. And the very reason why, two years ago, the international community passed this resolution was because people could see that what was going to happen in southern Lebanon was that these Hezbollah militias, that are armed and financed by Iran and by Syria, were going to move into the south of the country in order to be a focus of terrorism and discontent.

Now, that is the fact. And, of course, all of us are appalled at the destruction and loss of life. Of course, we are. And that's why we've actually come together today with a viable plan, if people can agree it, as I believe they can, to get it stopped. But once you stop this violence happening now -- which, of course, we should do -- once you do, it doesn't alter the underlying reality unless we've got a framework that allows us to put the government of Lebanon properly back in charge of its own country; unless we've got the commitment to take forward the Israel-Palestine two state deal, which is there and which everyone wants to see; and then if we can -- unless we mobilize the international community, to deal with the threat that Iran poses.

And there's no other way out of this. We're not -- we can, all of us, make whatever statements we want to do, use whatever words we want to do, but the brutal reality of the situation is that we're only going to get violence stopped and stability introduced on the basis of clear principles.

Now, as I say, we've set out a way to do this. But it requires the long-term, as well as the short-term.

Q Thank you. Mr. President, on the issue of a multinational force, what shape should it take, who should lead it, who should be part of it? And also, should Hezbollah agreeing to it be a precondition for setting up the force?

And, Mr. Prime Minister, you talked about a resolution leading to a cessation of hostilities, and I'm just wondering, should it include a call for an immediate cease-fire?

PRESIDENT BUSH: In terms of the troops, that's what the meeting Monday is going to be about. And this is one of these issues that requires international consensus, people who put forth ideas, and we'll participate in terms of trying to help develop a consensus about what the force ought to look like.

In a general sense, though, the force needs to serve as a complement to a Lebanese force. See, that's the whole purpose of the force, is to strengthen the Lebanese government by helping the Lebanese force move into the area. The whole cornerstone of the policy for Lebanon is for Lebanon to be free and able to govern herself and defend herself with a viable force.

And so one of the things you'll see in discussions there is, how do we help the Lebanese army succeed? What does it -- what's required? What's the manpower need to be in order to help this force move into the south so the government can take control of the country. What it looks like -- if I hold a press conference on Tuesday, I'll be able to answer that better. But since I probably won't be, read your newspaper.

Q What about Hezbollah --

PRESIDENT BUSH: That's a part of the conditions that they'll be discussing. That's what they'll be talking about. The key is to have Lebanon agree with it. And the key is to have Israel agree with it. Those are the two parties. Hezbollah is not a state. They're a supposed political party that happens to be armed. Now, what kind of state is it that has got a political party that has got a militia? It's a state that needs to be helped, is what that is. And we need to help the Siniora government deal with a political party that is armed, that gets its arms and help from other parts of the world -- in order for Lebanon's democracy to succeed.

A lot has changed in Lebanon. It wasn't all that long ago that Lebanon was occupied by Syria. And we came together and worked in the U.N. Security Council, and Syria is now out of Lebanon. But part of the resolution that enabled Syria to get out was that Hezbollah would disarm. And if we truly want peace in the region, we've got to follow through on that 1559, and that's what the whole strategy is. And part of the peacekeepers will be to -- or the multinational force, whatever you call them, will be in there trying to help the government.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Just on the international force, the thing that's very important to realize is that the purpose of it, obviously, is to help stabilize the situation. But it's also to allow the government of Lebanon's true armed forces to come down from the north and occupy the south, themselves. In other words, the purpose of the force is almost as a bridge between the north and the south in order to allow the forces of the government of Lebanon to come down and do what Resolution 1559 always anticipated would happen.

And as for your second question, yes, of course, the U.N. resolution, the passing of it, the agreeing of it can be the occasion for the end of hostilities if it's acted upon and agreed upon. And that requires not just the government of Israel and the government of Lebanon, obviously, to abide by it, but also for the whole of the international community to exert the necessary pressure so that there is the cessation of hostilities on both sides. Now, that will be important, also, in making it very clear to Hezbollah and those that back Hezbollah that they have to allow the stabilization force to enter.

But, yes, of course -- look, anybody with any human feeling for what is going on there wants this to stop as quickly as possible. And we have a process that allows us to do this, but it's got to be acted on. It's not just going to be agreed in theory, it's got to be acted on, too.

Q Thank you. Mr. President, and Prime Minister Blair, can I ask you both tonight what your messages are for the governments of Iran and Syria, given that you say this is the crisis of the 21st century?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Want me to start? My message is, give up your nuclear weapon and your nuclear weapon ambitions. That's my message to Syria -- I mean, to Iran. And my message to Syria is, become an active participant in the neighborhood for peace.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: The message is very, very simple to them. It is that, you have a choice. Iran and Syria have a choice. And they may think that they can avoid this choice; in fact, they can't. And when things are set in train like what has happened in Lebanon over the past few weeks, it only, in my view, underscores the fact they have this choice. They can either come in and participate as proper and responsible members of the international community, or they will face the risk of increasing confrontation.

And coming in and being proper members of the international community does not mean -- though I would love to see both Syria and Iran proper democracies -- does not mean to say that we insist that they change their government or even their system of government, although, of course, we want to see change in those countries. But it does mean Iran abides by its obligations under the nuclear weapons treaty. It does mean that Iran and Syria stop supporting terrorism. It does mean that instead of trying to prevent the democratically-elected government of Iraq fulfill its mandate, they allow it to fulfill its mandate.

Now, that's their choice. It's a perfectly simple one. They can either decide they are going to abide by the rules of the international community or continue to transgress them. And, look, in the end, that's the choice that they will have to make. But where I think they make a strategic miscalculation is if they think that because of all the other issues that we have to resolve and so on, that we are indifferent to what they are doing. There will be no side-tracking of our determination, for example, to make sure that Iran is fully compliant with the call that's been made on them from the whole of the international community in respect of nuclear weapons capability. And I hope they realize there is a different relationship that is possible with the international community, but only on the basis that has been set out.

PRESIDENT BUSH: David Gregory.

Q Thank you. Mr. President, both of you, I'd like to ask you about the big picture that you're discussing. Mr. President, three years ago, you argued that an invasion of Iraq would create a new stage of Arab-Israeli peace. And yet today, there is an Iraqi Prime Minister who has been sharply critical of Israel. Arab governments, despite your arguments, who have criticized Hezbollah, have now changed their tune. Now they're sharply critical of Israel. And despite from both of you, warnings to Syria and Iran to back off support from Hezbollah, effectively, Mr. President, your words are being ignored. So what has happened to America's clout in this region that you've committed yourself to transform?

PRESIDENT BUSH: David, it's an interesting period because instead of having foreign policies based upon trying to create a sense of stability, we have a foreign policy that addresses the root causes of violence and instability.

For a while, American foreign policy was just, let's hope everything is calm, kind of managed calm. But beneath the surface brewed a lot of resentment and anger that was manifested in its -- on September the 11th. And so we've taken a foreign policy that says, on the one hand, we will protect ourselves from further attack in the short-run by being aggressive and chasing down the killers and bringing them to justice -- and make no mistake, they're still out there, and they would like to harm our respective peoples because of what we stand for -- in the long-term, to defeat this ideology, and they're bound by an ideology. You defeat it with a more hopeful ideology called freedom.

And, look, I fully understand some people don't believe it's possible for freedom and democracy to overcome this ideology of hatred. I understand that. I just happen to believe it is possible, and I believe it will happen. And so what you're seeing is a clash of governing styles, for example. The notion of democracy beginning to emerge scares the ideologues, the totalitarians, those who want to impose their vision. It just frightens them, and so they respond. They've always been violent.

I hear this amazing kind of editorial thought that says, all of a sudden Hezbollah has become violent because we're promoting democracy. They have been violent for a long period of time. Or Hamas. One reason why the Palestinians still suffer is because there are militants who refuse to accept a Palestinian state based upon democratic principles.

And so what the world is seeing is a desire by this country and our allies to defeat the ideology of hate with an ideology that has worked and that brings hope. And one of the challenges, of course, is to convince people that Muslims would like to be free, that there's other people other than people in Britain and America that would like to be free in the world. There's this kind of almost -- kind of weird kind of elitism, that says, well, maybe certain people in certain parts of the world shouldn't be free; maybe it's best just to let them sit in these tyrannical societies. And our foreign policy rejects that concept. We don't accept it.

And so we're working. And this is -- as I said the other day, when these attacks took place, I said this should be a moment of clarity for people to see the stakes in the 21st century. I mean, there's an unprovoked attack on a democracy. Why? I happen to believe, because progress is being made toward democracies. And I believe that -- I also believe that Iran would like to exert additional influence in the region. A theocracy would like to spread its influence using surrogates.

And so I'm as determined as ever to continue fostering a foreign policy based upon liberty. And I think it's going to work, unless we lose our nerve and quit. And this government isn't going to quit.

Q I asked you about the loss of American influence in the region.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, David, we went to the G8 and worked with our allies and got a remarkable statement on what took place. We're working to get a United Nations resolution on Iran. We're working to have a Palestinian state. But the reason why -- you asked the question -- is because terrorists are trying to stop that progress. And we'll ultimately prevail, because they have -- their ideology is so dark and so dismal that when people really think about it, it will be rejected. They just got a different tool to use than we do: They kill innocent lives to achieve objectives. That's what they do. And they're good. They get on the TV screens and they get people to ask questions about, well, this, that or the other. I mean, they're able to kind of say to people, don't come and bother us because we will kill you.

And my attitude is, is that now is the time to be firm. And we've got a great weapon on our side, and that is freedom, and liberty. And it's got -- those two concepts have got the capacity to defeat ideologies of hate.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I don't think, actually, it's anything to do with a loss of American influence at all. I think -- we've got to go back and ask what changed policy, because policy has changed in the past few years. And what changed policy was September the 11th. That changed policy, but actually, before September the 11th this global movement with a global ideology was already in being. September the 11th was the culmination of what they wanted to do. But, actually -- and this is probably where the policymakers, such as myself, were truly in error -- is that even before September the 11th, this was happening in all sorts of different ways in different countries.

I mean, in Algeria, for example, tens and tens of thousands of people lost their lives. This movement has grown, it is there, it will latch on to any cause that it possibly can and give it a dimension of terrorism and hatred. You can see this. You can see it in Kashmir, for example. You can see it in Chechnya. You can see it in Palestine.

Now, what is its purpose? Its purpose is to promote its ideology based upon the perversion of Islam, and to use any methods at all, but particularly terrorism, to do that, because they know that the value of terrorism to them is -- as I was saying a moment or two ago, it's not simply the act of terror, it's the chain reaction that terror brings with it. Terrorism brings the reprisal; the reprisal brings the additional hatred; the additional hatred breeds the additional terrorism, and so on. But in a small way, we lived through that in Northern Ireland over many, many decades.

Now, what happened after September the 11th -- and this explains, I think, the President's policy, but also the reason why I have taken the view, and still take the view that Britain and America should remain strong allies, shoulder-to-shoulder in fighting this battle, is that we are never going to succeed unless we understand they are going to fight hard. The reason why they are doing what they're doing in Iraq at the moment -- and, yes, it's really tough as a result of it -- is because they know that if, right in the center of the Middle East, in an Arab, Muslim country, you've got a non-sectarian democracy, in other words people weren't governed either by religious fanatics or secular dictators, you've got a genuine democracy of the people, how does their ideology flourish in such circumstances?

So they have imported the terrorism into that country, preyed on whatever reactionary elements there are to boost it. And that's why we have the issue there; that's why the Taliban are trying to come back in Afghanistan. That is why, the moment it looked as if you could get progress in Israel and Palestine, it had to be stopped. That's the moment when, as they saw there was a problem in Gaza, so they realized, well, there's a possibility now we can set Lebanon against Israel.

Now, it's a global movement, it's a global ideology. And if there's any mistake that's ever made in these circumstances, it's if people are surprised that it's tough to fight, because you're up against an ideology that's prepared to use any means at all, including killing any number of wholly innocent people.

And I don't dispute part of the implication of your question at all, in the sense that you look at what is happening in the Middle East and what is happening in Iraq and Lebanon and Palestine, and, of course, there's a sense of shock and frustration and anger at what is happening, and grief at the loss of innocent lives. But it is not a reason for walking away. It's a reason for staying the course, and staying it no matter how tough it is, because the alternative is actually letting this ideology grip a larger and larger number of people.

And it is going to be difficult. Look, we've got a problem even in our own Muslim communities in Europe, who will half-buy into some of the propaganda that's pushed at it -- the purpose of America is to suppress Islam, Britain has joined with America in the suppression of Islam. And one of the things we've got to stop doing is stop apologizing for our own positions. Muslims in America, as far as I'm aware of, are free to worship; Muslims in Britain are free to worship. We are plural societies.

It's nonsense, the propaganda is nonsense. And we're not going to defeat this ideology until we in the West go out with sufficient confidence in our own position and say, this is wrong. It's not just wrong in its methods, it's wrong in its ideas, it's wrong in its ideology, it's wrong in every single wretched reactionary thing about it. And it will be a long struggle, I'm afraid. But there's no alternative but to stay the course with it. And we will.

Q Can I ask you both how soon realistically you think there could be an end to the violence, given there's no signs at the moment of 1559 being met? I mean, do you think we're looking at more weeks, months, or can it be achieved sooner than that? And also, will the multinational force potentially be used to effect a cease-fire, or simply to police an agreement once we eventually get to that?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, the answer to the first point is, as soon as possible. And if we can get the U.N. resolution agreed next week and acted upon, then it can happen, and it can happen then. We want to see it happen as quickly as possible, but the conditions have got to be in place to allow it to happen.

And in relation to the multinational force, what will be -- it's not going to be the opportunity to fight -- to fight their way in. But the very way that you posed that question underlines this basic point, which is, this can only work if Hezbollah are prepared to allow it to work. And we've got to make sure, therefore, that we have the force go in as part of an agreement that the government of Lebanon has bound itself to, the government of Israel has bound itself to, the international community has bound itself to. And Hezbollah have got to appreciate that if they stand out against that, then it's not really that they will be doing a huge disservice to the people of Lebanon, but they will also, again, face the fact that action will have to be taken against them.

PRESIDENT BUSH: We share the same urgency of trying to stop the violence. It's why Condi Rice went out there very quickly. Her job is to, first and foremost, was to make it clear to the Lebanese people that we wanted to send aid and help, and help work on the corridors necessary to get the aid to the Lebanese people. And she's coming back to the region tonight, will be there tomorrow. I could have called her back here and could have sat around, visited and talked. But I thought it was important for her to go back to the region to work on a United Nations Security Council resolution.

So, like the Prime Minister, I would like to end this as quickly as possible, as well. Having said that, I want to make sure that we address the root cause of the problem. And I believe the plan that Tony and I discussed will yield exactly what we want, and that is addressing the root cause of the problem.

Thank you all for coming.

END 1:21 P.M. EDT, For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, July 28, 2006

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