Monday, January 19, 2009

President George W. Bush 2001 Inaugural Address VIDEO

This peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions, and make new beginnings. As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation. And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit, and ended with grace.

I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.

We have a place, all of us, in a long story; a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old. The story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom. The story of a power that went into world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer. It is the American story; a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.

The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise: that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born. Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.

Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations. Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity; an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.

While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise -- even the justice -- of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools, and hidden prejudice, and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.

We do not accept this, and will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.

I know this is within our reach, because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves, Who creates us equal in His image.

And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.

America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests, and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.

Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion and character.

America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.

Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small. But the stakes, for America, are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.

We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.

America, at its best, is also courageous.

Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defeating common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing, by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.

Together we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives. We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. We will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans. We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge. We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.

The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake. America remains engaged in the world, by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.

America, at its best, is compassionate.

In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise. And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love. And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.

Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities; and all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.

Government has great responsibilities, for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government. And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque, lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and laws.

Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty. But we can listen to those who do. And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.

Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life, not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.

Our public interest depends on private character; on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness; on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.

Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.

I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility; to pursue the public interest with courage; to speak for greater justice and compassion; to call for reponsibility, and try to live it as well. In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.

What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens. Citizens, not spectators. Citizens, not subjects. Responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.

Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.

After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: "We know the Race is not to the swift nor the Battle to the Strong. Do you not think an Angel rides in the Whirlwind and directs this Storm?"

Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inaugural. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage, and its simple dream of dignity.

We are not this story's Author, Who fills time and eternity with His purpose. Yet His purpose is achieved in our duty; and duty is fulfilled in service to one another.

Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today: to make our country more just and generous; to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.

This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.

God bless you, and God bless our country.

Sunday, January 18, 2009

Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday, 2009

Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal HolidayA Proclamation by the President of the United States of America In Focus: African-American History

On the Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday, we recognize one of history's most consequential advocates for equality and civil rights, and we celebrate his powerful message of justice and hope.
Our Nation is better because Dr. King was a man of courage and vision who understood that love and compassion will always triumph over bitterness and hatred.

As Americans, we believe it is self-evident that all men are created equal and that freedom is not a grant of government but a gift from the Author of Life. Dr. King trusted in these beliefs articulated in our founding documents even when our country's practices did not live up to its promises. He roused the conscience of a complacent Nation by drawing attention to the ugliness of discrimination and segregation and by calling on Americans to live up to our guarantee of equality.

Our Nation has seen tremendous progress in redeeming the ideals of America and protecting every person's God-given rights. The historic election of Barack Obama as President of the United States reflects the real advances our Nation has made in the fight against the bigotry that Dr. King opposed. More work remains, though, and we must heed Dr. King's words that "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." By continuing to spread his message and demanding that the equal rights he fought for are extended to all people, we can ensure that the dignity of every person is respected and that the hope for a better tomorrow reaches every community throughout the world.

As we observe Dr. King's birthday, we commemorate his leadership and strength of character. We go forward with confidence that if we remain true to our founding principles, our Nation will continue to advance the cause of justice and remain a beacon of hope to people everywhere.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, GEORGE W. BUSH, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim January 19, 2009, as the Martin Luther King, Jr., Federal Holiday. I encourage all Americans to observe this day with appropriate civic, community, and service programs and activities in honor of Dr. King's life and legacy.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this fifteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord two thousand nine, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirty-third.

GEORGE W. BUSH # # # For Immediate Release

Saturday, January 17, 2009

Freedom Calendar 01/17/09 - 01/24/09

Negro farmer plowing his field of four acresJanuary 17, 1874, Armed Democrats seize Texas state government, ending Republican efforts to racially integrate government.

January 18, 1815, Birth of Republican Gov. Richard Yates (R-IL), who prevented Democrat-controlled legislature from withdrawing state troops from the Union Army.
January 19, 1818, Birth of anti-slavery activist Alvan Bovay, who organized first meeting of Republican Party in 1854, to oppose Democrats’ pro-slavery policies.

January 20, 2001, Mississippi Republican Rod Paige is confirmed as first African-American U.S. Secretary of Education; calls for school choice to allow poor and minority children to “throw off their chains”.

January 21, 1813, Birth in Georgia of John C. Fremont – abolitionist, western explorer, U.S. Senator from California, U.S. Army general, Arizona Governor, and first Republican presidential candidate.

January 22, 2001, Republican Condoleezza Rice becomes first woman and second African-American to serve as U.S. National Security Advisor.

January 23. 1993, Death of Judge John Robert Brown, leader in fight for Southern desegregation; appointed by President Eisenhower to U.S. Court of Appeals.

January 24, 2001, Republican Mel Martínez, appointed by President George W. Bush as U.S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, becomes first Cuban-American in Cabinet.

"I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.”

Abraham Lincoln, 16th President of the United States

Bush radio address 01/17/08 PODCAST TEXT TRANSCRIPT

President George W. Bush calls troops from his ranch in Crawford, Texas, Thanksgiving Day, Thursday, Nov. 24, 2005. White House photo by Eric Draper.





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Bush radio address 01/17/08 full audio, text transcript. President's Radio Address en Español In Focus: Bush Record
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THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. For the last eight years, I have had the honor of speaking to the American people Saturday mornings through this radio address. In hundreds of broadcasts, I have talked to you about important issues affecting our security and our prosperity. And today, in my final address, I want to send a simple and heartfelt message: Thank you.

Eight years ago, Laura and I left our home in Texas to come to Washington. Through two terms in the White House, we have been blessed by your kind words and generous prayers. We have been inspired by those of you who reach out to feed the hungry, clothe the needy, and care for the sick. We have been moved by the courage and devotion of those of you who wear the uniform. Serving as your President has been an incredible honor.

Like every individual who has held this office before me, I have experienced setbacks. There are things I would do differently if given the chance. Yet I've always acted with the best interests of our country in mind. I have followed my conscience and done what I thought was right. You may not agree with some tough decisions I have made. But I hope you can agree that I was willing to make the tough decisions.

The decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course. While our Nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack. Our enemies are patient, and determined to strike again. America did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict. But we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them. We must resist complacency. We must keep our resolve. And we must never let down our guard.

At the same time, we must continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose. In the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward. But we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism. Retreating behind our borders would only invite danger. In the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the expansion of liberty abroad. If America does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.

As we address these challenges -- and others we cannot foresee today -- America must maintain our moral clarity. I've often spoken to you about good and evil. This has made some uncomfortable. But good and evil are present in this world, and between the two there can be no compromise. Murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere. Freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right. This Nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth. We must always be willing to act in their defense -- and to advance the cause of peace.

Eight years ago, on a cold January morning, I stood on the steps of the United States Capitol, placed my hand on the Bible, and swore a sacred oath to defend our people and our Constitution. On that day, I spoke of "our Nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity." Next week, my term of service will come to an end -- but that story and that dream will continue.

On Tuesday, Laura and I will join all Americans in offering our best wishes to President Obama, his wife Michelle, and their two beautiful girls. And later that day, we will return to the love of family and friends in Texas. I will depart office proud of my Administration's record. And I will spend the rest of my life grateful for the opportunity to have served as President of the greatest nation on Earth.

Thank you for listening. # # #

For Immediate Release Office of the Press Secretary January 17, 2009

Discurso Radial del Presidente a la Nación 01/17/08

Presidente George W. Bush llama a tropas de su rancho en Crawford, Tejas, día de Thanksgiving, jueves, de noviembre el 24 de 2005.  Foto blanca de la casa de Eric Draper.





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forre el audio de la dirección de radio 01/17/08 por completo, transcripción del texto. (nota de los redactores: ninguna lengua española mp3 lanzó esta semana, apesadumbrada) PODCAST
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Buenos Días.

Durante los últimos ocho años, he tenido el honor de hablarle al pueblo estadounidense todos los sábados de mañana a través de este discurso de radio. En centenas de transmisiones, les he hablado sobre temas importantes que afectan nuestra seguridad y nuestra prosperidad. Y hoy, en mi último discurso, les quiero enviar un mensaje sencillo y sentido de corazón: gracias.

Hace ocho años, Laura y yo dejamos nuestro hogar en Tejas para venir a Washington. Durante dos períodos en la Casa Blanca, hemos sido bendecidos por sus palabras gentiles y sus oraciones generosas. Hemos sido inspirados por aquellos de ustedes que dan la mano para alimentar a los que tienen hambre, vestir a los necesitados, y cuidar a los enfermos. Hemos sido conmovidos por la valentía y la devoción de aquellos de ustedes que portan el uniforme.

Servir como su Presidente ha sido un honor increíble. Como todas las personas que han ocupado este cargo antes de mí, he sufrido reveses. Hay cosas que haría de forma distinta si tuviera la oportunidad. Sin embargo, siempre he actuado con los mejores intereses de nuestro país en mente. He seguido mi conciencia y he hecho lo que consideré correcto. Ustedes quizás no estén de acuerdo con algunas decisiones difíciles que tomé. Pero espero que estén de acuerdo de que estuve dispuesto a tomar las decisiones difíciles.

Las décadas por delante traerán más decisiones difíciles para nuestro país, y hay algunos principios orientadores que deberán forjar nuestro camino.

Aunque nuestra Nación está más segura de lo que estuvo hace siete años, la amenaza más seria a nuestro pueblo sigue siendo otro ataque terrorista. Nuestros enemigos son pacientes y están empeñados en atacarnos nuevamente. Estados Unidos no hizo nada para buscar o merecer este conflicto. Pero se nos ha dado responsabilidades solemnes, y debemos cumplirlas. Debemos resistir la autocomplacencia. Debemos mantener nuestra determinación. Y nunca debemos bajar la guardia.

Al mismo tiempo, debemos seguir involucrando al mundo con confianza y propósito claro. Ante amenazas del extranjero, puede ser tentador buscar confort mirando hacia adentro. Pero debemos rechazar el aislamiento y su compañero, el proteccionismo. Retirarnos detrás de nuestras fronteras sólo invitaría el peligro. En el siglo 21, la seguridad y la prosperidad en casa dependen de la expansión de la libertad en el extranjero. Si Estados Unido no encabeza la causa, esa causa no tendrá liderazgo.

A medida que enfrentemos estos desafíos - y otros que no podemos prever hoy en día - Estados Unidos debe mantener una claridad moral. Frecuentemente les he hablado sobre el bien y el mal. Esto ha sido incómodo para algunos. Pero el bien y el mal están presentes en el mundo, y entre los dos no puede haber ningún compromiso. Asesinar a los inocentes para avanzar una ideología siempre está mal, en cualquier parte. Liberar a los pueblos de la opresión y la desesperación es eternamente lo correcto. Esta Nación debe continuar abogando la justicia y la verdad. Siempre debemos estar dispuestos a actuar en su defensa - y avanzar la causa de la paz.

Hace ocho años, en una mañana fría de enero, me paré en los escalones del Capitolio de los Estados Unidos, puse mi mano sobre la Biblia y tomé un juramento sagrado de defender a nuestro pueblo y a nuestra Constitución. En ese día, hablé de "la gran historia de nuestra Nación de coraje y su sueño sencillo de dignidad". La semana entrante, mi período de servicio llegará a su fin - pero esa historia y ese sueño continuarán.

El martes Laura y yo nos uniremos a todos los estadounidenses en ofrecer nuestros mejores deseos al Presidente Obama, su esposa Michelle, y sus dos lindas hijas. Y más tarde ese día, regresaremos al amor de familia y amigos en Tejas. Yo dejaré mi cargo orgulloso del récord de mi Administración. Y pasaré el resto de mi vida agradecido por la oportunidad de haber servido como el Presidente de la mejor Nación del mundo.

Gracias por escuchar.

Para su publicación inmediata Oficina del Secretario de Prensa 17 de enero de 2009

Friday, January 16, 2009

President Bush Delivers Farewell Address to the Nation PODCAST VIDEO

President Bush Delivers Farewell Address to the Nation PODCAST VIDEO

President George W. Bush reaches into the audience to shake hands with invited guests and staff members following his farewell address to the nation Thursday evening, Jan. 15, 2009 in the East Room of the White House, where President Bush thanked the American people for their support and trust. White House photo by Joyce N. Boghosian Full Story
President Bush Delivers Farewell Address to the Nation East Room FULL STREAMING VIDEO, In Focus: Bush Record 8:01 P.M. EST. PODCAST OF THIS ARTICLE and GALLERY

THE PRESIDENT: Fellow citizens: For eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your President. The first decade of this new century has been a period of consequence -- a time set apart. Tonight, with a thankful heart, I have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey that we have traveled together, and the future of our nation.
Five days from now, the world will witness the vitality of American democracy. In a tradition dating back to our founding, the presidency will pass to a successor chosen by you, the American people. Standing on the steps of the Capitol will be a man whose history reflects the enduring promise of our land. This is a moment of hope and pride for our whole nation. And I join all Americans in offering best wishes to President-Elect Obama, his wife Michelle, and their two beautiful girls.

Tonight I am filled with gratitude -- to Vice President Cheney and members of my administration; to Laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life; to our wonderful daughters, Barbara and Jenna; to my parents, whose examples have provided strength for a lifetime. And above all, I thank the American people for the trust you have given me. I thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits. And I thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity, and grace that I have witnessed these past eight years.

This evening, my thoughts return to the first night I addressed you from this house -- September the 11th, 2001. That morning, terrorists took nearly 3,000 lives in the worst attack on America since Pearl Harbor. I remember standing in the rubble of the World Trade Center three days later, surrounded by rescuers who had been working around the clock. I remember talking to brave souls who charged through smoke-filled corridors at the Pentagon, and to husbands and wives whose loved ones became heroes aboard Flight 93. I remember Arlene Howard, who gave me her fallen son's police shield as a reminder of all that was lost. And I still carry his badge.

As the years passed, most Americans were able to return to life much as it had been before 9/11. But I never did. Every morning, I received a briefing on the threats to our nation. I vowed to do everything in my power to keep us safe.

Over the past seven years, a new Department of Homeland Security has been created. The military, the intelligence community, and the FBI have been transformed. Our nation is equipped with new tools to monitor the terrorists' movements, freeze their finances, and break up their plots. And with strong allies at our side, we have taken the fight to the terrorists and those who support them. Afghanistan has gone from a nation where the Taliban harbored al Qaeda and stoned women in the streets to a young democracy that is fighting terror and encouraging girls to go to school. Iraq has gone from a brutal dictatorship and a sworn enemy of America to an Arab democracy at the heart of the Middle East and a friend of the United States.

There is legitimate debate about many of these decisions. But there can be little debate about the results. America has gone more than seven years without another terrorist attack on our soil. This is a tribute to those who toil night and day to keep us safe -- law enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.

Our nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger. I have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families. And America owes you a debt of gratitude. And to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight: There has been no higher honor than serving as your Commander-in-Chief.

The battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems. Under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience, and marks unbelievers for murder. The other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of Almighty God, and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.

This is the belief that gave birth to our nation. And in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens. When people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror. When people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and extremism. So around the world, America is promoting human liberty, human rights, and human dignity. We're standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing AIDS medicine to dying patients -- to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria. And this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.

For eight years, we've also strived to expand opportunity and hope here at home. Across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools. A new Medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled. Every taxpayer pays lower income taxes. The addicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs. Vulnerable human life is better protected. Funding for our veterans has nearly doubled. America's air and water and lands are measurably cleaner. And the federal bench includes wise new members like Justice Sam Alito and Chief Justice John Roberts.

When challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them. Facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy. These are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted. All Americans are in this together. And together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth. We will show the world once again the resilience of America's free enterprise system.

Like all who have held this office before me, I have experienced setbacks. There are things I would do differently if given the chance. Yet I've always acted with the best interests of our country in mind. I have followed my conscience and done what I thought was right. You may not agree with some of the tough decisions I have made. But I hope you can agree that I was willing to make the tough decisions.

The decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.

While our nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack. Our enemies are patient, and determined to strike again. America did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict. But we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them. We must resist complacency. We must keep our resolve. And we must never let down our guard.

At the same time, we must continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose. In the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward. But we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism. Retreating behind our borders would only invite danger. In the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the expansion of liberty abroad. If America does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.

As we address these challenges -- and others we cannot foresee tonight -- America must maintain our moral clarity. I've often spoken to you about good and evil, and this has made some uncomfortable. But good and evil are present in this world, and between the two of them there can be no compromise. Murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere. Freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right. This nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth. We must always be willing to act in their defense -- and to advance the cause of peace.

President Thomas Jefferson once wrote, "I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past." As I leave the house he occupied two centuries ago, I share that optimism. America is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself. And even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.

I have confidence in the promise of America because I know the character of our people. This is a nation that inspires immigrants to risk everything for the dream of freedom. This is a nation where citizens show calm in times of danger, and compassion in the face of suffering. We see examples of America's character all around us. And Laura and I have invited some of them to join us in the White House this evening.

We see America's character in Dr. Tony Recasner, a principal who opened a new charter school from the ruins of Hurricane Katrina. We see it in Julio Medina, a former inmate who leads a faith-based program to help prisoners returning to society. We've seen it in Staff Sergeant Aubrey McDade, who charged into an ambush in Iraq and rescued three of his fellow Marines.

We see America's character in Bill Krissoff -- a surgeon from California. His son, Nathan -- a Marine -- gave his life in Iraq. When I met Dr. Krissoff and his family, he delivered some surprising news: He told me he wanted to join the Navy Medical Corps in honor of his son. This good man was 60 years old -- 18 years above the age limit. But his petition for a waiver was granted, and for the past year he has trained in battlefield medicine. Lieutenant Commander Krissoff could not be here tonight, because he will soon deploy to Iraq, where he will help save America's wounded warriors -- and uphold the legacy of his fallen son.

In citizens like these, we see the best of our country - resilient and hopeful, caring and strong. These virtues give me an unshakable faith in America. We have faced danger and trial, and there's more ahead. But with the courage of our people and confidence in our ideals, this great nation will never tire, never falter, and never fail.

It has been the privilege of a lifetime to serve as your President. There have been good days and tough days. But every day I have been inspired by the greatness of our country, and uplifted by the goodness of our people. I have been blessed to represent this nation we love. And I will always be honored to carry a title that means more to me than any other - citizen of the United States of America.

And so, my fellow Americans, for the final time: Good night. May God bless this house and our next President. And may God bless you and our wonderful country. Thank you. (Applause.)

END 8:14 P.M. EST.

Thursday, January 15, 2009

White House Press Briefing by Dana Perino 01/15/08 VIDEO, PODCAST

White House Press Briefing by Dana Perino 01/15/08 VIDEO, PODCAST Briefing by Dana Perino FULL STREAMING VIDEO, running time 28:02 min, James S. Brady Press Briefing Room, Dana M. Perino Biography, 12:37 P.M. EDT. PODCAST OF THIS ARTICLE
MS. PERINO: Hello, everybody. Welcome to the second-to-last briefing of this presidency. The last briefing will be tomorrow; I hope you'll be here. We have a little fun planned. So I won't give you any more than that little bit of a teaser.

Obviously, tonight is the President's farewell address to the nation. And I have been fortunate to have roped Ed Gillespie into coming down to the briefing with me. He doesn't have a ton of time, but he's going to have enough to give you a little bit of a preview and then take a few of your questions. Then he'll have to scoot and I'll finish up.

Just so that you know, the speech is running about 13 minutes long. And if that changes, we'll certainly let you know, but I don't anticipate that it will.

So, I'll turn it over to Ed, and then I'll come back up afterwards.

MR. GILLESPIE: Thanks, Dana. Thanks to everyone for letting me have a little time. As Dana mentioned, the President's speech will be about 13 minutes in length. In that time, he will obviously reflect on his time in office, the eight years here, and some of the experiences that he and the American people have been through together in that time. It is a presidency, obviously, at a time of great consequence, and a lot of major events.

He will express his gratitude and appreciation to the American people for the opportunity to serve, and thank them for the countless examples of grace and courage and compassion that he witnesses -- witnessed during his time as President.

He will talk about the challenges that we face as a country going forward, and about our future, and obviously talk about why he is optimistic and has faith in our ability to meet those challenges, given the character of the American people.

And he will highlight some of those people who have -- who he's met along the way. They'll be people who have been greeters from the Freedom Corps, who have demonstrated great acts of courage and compassion, in the audience; he will highlight some of those folks, not all of them. And there will be a small audience. It will be in the East Room, as you know. And this is a little bit of a break from the tradition of the Oval Office address. The President, I think, wanted to be with people for his farewell address. It's about those people and about the American people, and so it is a little different in that regard. While it's customary to give a parting address, this will be a little different to have an audience there.

And so that's a general overview. He will highlight some of the things that this President, his administration, and the people have done to help to keep us safe, to help to improve test scores, to help to make health care more -- prescription drugs more affordable. But it's really not a litany or a looking back. It is mostly -- talk about, like I said, his experiences, and the American people, and expression of his gratitude, and obviously an expression of our best wishes for President-Elect Obama and his administration.

So with that, happy to take some questions. Jen.

Q Thank you. Could you talk a little bit about why it's important personally for the President to do this tonight? He has this series of speeches where he talks about different aspects of his record and different challenges that he has faced over the years. Why is it important to do this tonight? Some Presidents do, some don't.

MR. GILLESPIE: Yes. I think that the President wanted to thank the American people and express his appreciation. And while he's done a lot of interviews, as you noted, in those instances you're taking questions. He has given speeches on policy and that kind of thing. But this is less about policy. This is more about, I think, about, like I say, the people that he has seen and the experiences that we've had together.

And I think he wanted to, like I say, just express a little bit of his gratitude. And it's brief, like I say. And it's also kind of a little bit of an endpoint, a punctuation mark on some of these interviews and speeches, because as you know he will not be making any further public appearances until he greets President-Elect Obama on Inauguration Day on the North Portico.

Q Will we hear from them, from either President on the North Portico that day?

MR. GILLESPIE: I don't think that's the custom. No, I think it's just a greeting.

Q Can you tell us who is going to be in the audience, give us a sense of which people have been selected to participate?

MR. GILLESPIE: I think we're putting that out later on today with bios and everything. So I'll hold that for just a little bit longer, if that's okay.

Q Are they friends or military? Can you describe in general terms?

MR. GILLESPIE: There are -- there will be friends there. But the folks that are highlighted are people who have provided great examples as citizens of this country, and reflected a spirit of this country and are compassionate, and are caring, and are courage. Some of whom are -- some of those folks have become friends. But it's -- he will highlight people that he has met along the way.

Q So these are people who already know him and met him?

MR. GILLESPIE: Yes, he has already met them. And it's similar to what is done often in the State of the Union speech, when you, you know, have guests in the President's box.

Q This morning, when the President spoke at the State Department, he said that Secretary Rice had been optimistic even in the darkest days or the darkest hours. What was he talking about when he was saying "the darkest hours"? What was he referring --

MR. GILLESPIE: I'm not sure, Toby, in that instance. I just wasn't there, so I apologize. I was not at that event so I don't want to speak for that.

Q And would you characterize the farewell address that he's going to give as optimistic, hopeful --

MR. GILLESPIE: I think it is, like I said, is reflective of the experiences and shared experiences with the American people. It is -- in terms of talking about the challenges for the future, it is optimistic based on what he has seen in the character and the strength of the American people, and obviously talks about his hopes for our country and the next President and for the American people. So I'd say, yes, optimistic and future-oriented.

Q Ed, in preparing for this address, I wonder if you've talked to the President about how he would like to be remembered by the American people. And how would he like to be remembered?

MR. GILLESPIE: Sheryl, I think he would like to be remembered as someone who has stood by his principles, someone who made decisions based on the best interest of the American people and what their -- with his care for them at heart; understanding that in making tough decisions not everyone is going to agree with the tough decisions that he's made, but I think hopeful that people will acknowledge that he's been willing to make tough decisions as President and not, you know, not kick the can down the road.

Q How involved have you been in writing this speech or conceptualizing it? Is it more than what would be the garden variety speech since it's his last opportunity to address the public.

MR. GILLESPIE: Well, the truth is, the President is very involved in all of his speeches from -- he is a very careful editor, he has a very clear sense of what it is he wants to convey in a speech. And in this case he wasn't sure he was going to do a farewell address. As I think Jen noted, it's not -- you know, some do, some don't. And President Reagan, President Clinton both did. President Carter I think gave a last State of the Union address, and former President Bush did not do either a form of State of the Union address or a farewell address.

So the President was weighing that, determined that he did want to have -- you know, seek some time and have a brief set of remarks to share with the American people. And he was very involved from the outset, laying out what he wanted to convey and then in the -- you know, in the back and forth in the editing process, as is often the case.

Q Does he spend any time tonight defending the more controversial aspects of his record, or is he happy to leave that to the judgment of history at this point?

MR. GILLESPIE: I think, you know, that information is out there. We've obviously talked in different policy speeches about the decisions he's made and the policies that were adopted. And, you know, I think we've -- I like to think that we've put information out there that will guide or at least give historians accurate data from which to judge things.

Obviously we've highlighted some of the things I've talked about here -- the prescription drug benefitting 40 million seniors and disabled Americans who -- you know, 90 percent of whom say that they very much appreciate this benefit; highlighting the increase in test scores for minority students and white students, but the gap being the lowest that it's ever been in the NAPE scores; the 30 percent reduction in chronic homelessness; the 25 percent decrease in teenage drug use; the fact that -- obviously we're very concerned about our economy right now. The President has acted boldly. When he came into office, he inherited a recession. We had the attacks of September 11. But from that third quarter of 2001 through this most recent economic downturn, we had 52 months of uninterrupted job creation in this country. That's the longest in the history of the United States of America. People saw their after-tax incomes go up by 12 percent, productivity higher than it was in the '70s, '80s, or '90s.

So all that is out there, I think, for historians. They can judge. That's what historians do. But this speech is not -- that's not the nature of this speech. That was just the nature of my little riff there. (Laughter.)

Mike.

Q We heard the President talk the other day at the press conference about the tone in Washington. Will there be a call for more peace in Washington for a new President and a new team coming in during a difficult time?

MR. GILLESPIE: Well, Mike, I can tell you that I think this President has led by example in this regard. I think that clearly the direction he has given everyone, from the Chief of Staff on down, in terms of this transition and making sure that -- and this goes back to the summer that we started working on this, and it was clear that regardless of outcome of election, regardless of party of successor, that we would do all we could to make sure that the President-elect and his team would be able to grab the reins of the executive branch at noon on Tuesday.

And I think that -- clearly the President has demonstrated his support for the President-elect, and we have all tried to do the same. I got a report yesterday from someone on the -- talking to one our counterparts on the transition team, who said, you know, by the way, you should know that it's not only here at the White House, but in every department and agency, we've had the same experience and we really appreciate it.

So, look, I -- you know, having been through my time here and other places in government, none of us who have seen the kind of personal attacks against the President would want to see that against any President. And, you know, I can tell you, you know, as someone who may be out there talking about, in the future, talking about our successor's policies -- and some of those things may be areas where I wouldn't agree -- the fact is I believe that those who are conservative Republicans like I am or don't share his point of view, I hope that they'll be respectful of the President of the United States.

Mark.

Q And is there anything left of the President's plate, or does the sprint to the finish end tonight?

MR. GILLESPIE: He's got still things, you know, that he'll be doing. But, as I said, there's no public appearances. But the President will have the presidency until noon on Tuesday, and he will be having his briefings, he'll be, you know, talking to folks. But I don't -- there won't be a lot. I wouldn't be expecting, you know -- well, there won't be a lot. But any responsibilities that fall to the President between now and noon will fall to George W. Bush.

Yes.

Q You mentioned specifically in tonight's address we can expect reference to test scores, increased accessibility to prescription drugs as some examples of successes of the administration. But will the President address specifically Iraq and Afghanistan?

MR. GILLESPIE: He will of course talk about Iraq and Afghanistan and the broader war on terror, which they are two theaters in that war, and talk about how this country responded after the attacks of 9/11 to help keep us safer and also talk about other national security issues -- like I say, Afghanistan and Iraq being among those. So there is -- he will reference those.

Q And as far as, like, the number of people there, do you know -- do you have a count on that right now?

MR. GILLESPIE: I think it's 45 --

MS. PERINO: Or 41 -- I'll go check.

MR. GILLESPIE: We'll get that for you, Jon.

Q And as far as -- you mentioned President Carter going to the Hill for a State of the Union-style thing. Why did the President choose not to do that? I mean, because that would have been, as you said, he wanted to be with people -- that would have been with some people.

MR. GILLESPIE: Yes, I don't know -- I don't know the circumstances under which President Carter gave a last State of the Union address -- obviously different times. It's like 20-some -- I'm not good at math; I was an English major. Twenty-nine years ago or something -- (laughter.)

You know, I don't -- there was never much of a discussion of the President doing a State of the Union address, a final State of the Union address. So this seemed to be a very comfortable way by which to do this.

Ann.

Q Ed, you're with him every day. What's the President's mood? Is he sentimental? Is he tired?

MR. GILLESPIE: You know, it's -- he's not tired. I mean, he is -- you know, he just has a ton of energy. But he is -- you know, I would say that he's gotten a little more winsome. I remember somebody asking me back in, like, September, you know, things must be -- things must be getting winsome. And I thought, you know, those of us who work here wish it were a little more winsome sometimes.

It's gotten a little more winsome. And I think that he is looking back as we've gone through these series of lasts. And it's a -- I wouldn't say emotional time, but it's obviously -- it's a moment -- look, when you work here, you work with colleagues like, you know, my friends here. You go through a lot together. And the President, I think, is thinking of all that we've been through and all the people who have been through it with him. And there's a great deal of a sense of appreciation for those people.

Two more.

Q Have all pardon decisions been made?

MR. GILLESPIE: I'm going to defer to Dana on questions that aren't related to the address tonight.

So, one more.

Q So, tonight's speech, it sounds like, is more aimed at the American people themselves and not quite so much at, you know, historians as some of the previous speeches have been. Is that -- that's a fair -

MR. GILLESPIE: I think that's a fair assessment, yes. I think this is something -- some thoughts the President wanted to share with the American people after eight years of the privilege and honor as serving as President of the United States.

Last one.

Q Ed, the President's farewell speech to the American people has a global audience, too. And this morning he said that he would ask the United -- the American people to continue to engage the world, confident in the power of liberty. Is there any message at all to the global audience, as a new American President takes --

MR. GILLESPIE: I think, you know, one of the things that the President has made clear is that, as he said, in the Oval Office with the former Presidents, that this is an office that transcends any individual. And the fact is, while we are about to witness one of the things that I like to think that people around the world admire most about this country, this peaceful handoff of power of the presidency from one person to the next, from one party to the other, and the way that that's being done, that we do have a responsibility to lead. That responsibility transcends any one President, and falls to the presidency of the United States, and is something that we as all Americans -- that's a reason to rally behind our President. So yes, I think he will touch on that a little bit here.

Thanks, all of you. Enjoyed working with you. If I don't get the chance to see you before Tuesday, thanks for this opportunity to spend a little time.

Thank you.

MS. PERINO: All right, let me take a stab at your question that he had because -- no, Toby's. (Laughter.) But if you have another one, Mark, I'll be happy to answer it. I did get a chance to go over, and it was wonderful. It was a surprise for Ryan Crocker, that he was getting the Presidential Medal of Freedom -- a surprise, I think, for everybody. But we kept that a secret because he is a very humble person, Ambassador Crocker. And I can't think of anybody more deserving.

And I think that it was a fitting tribute to the Foreign Service Officers that the President has put in posts that usually go to political appointees, that something as important as Iraq and Afghanistan, especially Iraq when it came to having leadership there, especially during those dark days, which I'll get to in a moment, Ambassador Crocker was definitely one of the best leaders.

And for some of the younger people there, the younger career Foreign Service Officers, I think it was really good for them to see that hard work can be rewarded, and by a President who is very grateful for all that the Foreign Service has done under his watch and that they'll continue to do there. They're consummate professionals. I've had the pleasure of getting to know a lot of them.

So when it comes to Secretary Rice, I think what the President was getting at is that -- you all know, you've been writing about them -- there have been some very tough days in the administration. And during 9/11, I think you can talk about that time period as being dark days. During that period when we were going through the process of developing the surge strategy, there were days when all of us could -- if we didn't have leaders who were pushing us to get to the right answer and being optimistic that if we got to the right policy answer we could actually achieve success, like we have done in Iraq since they -- I'm not saying it's over. I'm just saying that where we were a year ago, a year and a half ago in Iraq and where we are today, I don't think anybody in this room would have believed it.

What Secretary Rice and President Bush bring to the table is an optimism that -- it doesn't mean that you can't be optimistic and pragmatic at the same time; that's a false choice. And I've seen some places reported, especially from columnists, suggesting that the President's optimism is -- has hindered America. And I just -- I totally disagree.

I don't think that you can believe -- and I don't think you can achieve the goals that you've laid out, like a two-state solution, if you don't actually believe that you can get it done. I think there is something to be said about the power of positive thinking. But also there is a realism there, and we've tried to strike a balance.

I think that what he meant was that Secretary Rice shares his philosophy that to achieve the goals you have to believe that you can do it. And you have to then be able to get up every morning wanting to work really hard so that you can try to do it. And then you deal with the realities as it comes up.

Okay, John.

Q Ed was talking about -- I believe when he was on that little winsome riff, he was talking about last September. Did he mention last September when he said, we all wished that the President was more winsome?

MS. PERINO: No, I think it was -- we've just been dealing with a lot of these questions for awhile about how does the President feel. And last September -- I think what Ed was referring to was during the election when the campaign was hot and heavy, and the President was not out campaigning, as you know. We were -- we decided to take a back seat at his direction, which I think was the right thing to do.

And people at that point started asking us, "Well, is the President upset that he is not out on the campaign trail? Is the President disappointed? Is he sad? Is he reflective?" I think that's what Ed meant.

I don't think that means now that the President is -- well, look, the President is being reflective at times. But he also -- when he said, "sprint to the finish," he absolutely meant it. And while he might not be tired, I think all of us are still -- (laughter) -- some of us are trying to -- struggle to keep up with him.

But he is sad, in some ways. I think if you have worked in the environment that we have, under the extraordinary circumstances that we've had, that when you come to the end and you realize that you're going to have to say good-bye, and you're going to miss all the good things, and you'll probably all miss -- I think I'll miss the adrenaline and all of that. In four to eight years from now, when the Obama team is answering the same questions, I think they'll probably have the same feelings, just like the Clinton team I'm sure had in 2000.

Jennifer.

Q Can you talk just a little bit -- nuts and bolts -- about the next two days? I think you've said that the Press Office is going to get pared down to basically Stuart.

MS. PERINO: Yes, a little bit.

Q Can you talk a little bit about the whole apparatus that will be around the President, say Monday and Tuesday? It will be pretty pared down, right?

MS. PERINO: Yes. So we'll have -- the President will be fully staffed to the extent that he needs help. There will be those of us around to do it, there just might be fewer of us, because there is quite an elaborate checkout system. You have to turn in all of your equipment. There is the ethics debrief. You have to turn in any keys that you might have, your parking pass. You have to go through all of that process.

And so in order to make sure that that's done in an orderly fashion, some people will have to start checking out. And that really started around Monday of this week. We're going to say good-bye to three of our staffers tonight, although it's not good-bye forever -- they're going to be tomorrow for the press briefing -- but Carlton Carroll, being one of them, who has been fantastic, and he has really -- rose to the occasion. A lot you knew him when he just started out as a press assistant, and now he is a fantastic on-the-record spokesperson. We couldn't be more proud of him.

Q Which one is he again? (Laughter.)

MS. PERINO: We needed Ken Herman to get us through that moment. But Anthony Warren and Matthew Drummond will also check out this afternoon, a few more tomorrow. Stuart Siciliano and I will be here through -- and I think Gordon, because he checks out through NSC, will be here on Tuesday. Ben Chang, thankfully, will be here for you and help the Obama team transition, as previous deputy national spokesmen have done before. And so you'll have some continuity. But we'll be available, Tony Fratto and Stanzel and I, through the weekend.

So the President will do the farewell address tonight. Tomorrow he'll leave for Camp David. It will be a small group at Camp David. I expect that he'll have his daughters there. Secretary Rice usually heads up; the Hadleys; Chief of Staff Josh Bolten. But it won't be a large affair. They had that at Christmas time. And we're going to allow -- I believe we're going to allow that final departure and the final arrival on Sunday, when they come back from Camp David, to be taken live for those of you who care about that.

And he'll have his radio address on Saturday; I think he'll tape that in the morning. And then Monday -- we'll be here to provide you some information. I think there are some requests for some world leaders to be able to call and say good-bye to President Bush. We'll let you know about that. So, Olivier, who -- but only if you shave those things off by Monday. (Laughter.)

Q No guarantees. I'm the decider. (Laughter.)

MS. PERINO: You can make that decision if you'd like.

Q And the other offices in the White House that are going to be pared down, too, just like --

MS. PERINO: Yes. Everybody -- everyone has to go through that same process. The Chief of Staff made sure that everything was done in a systematic fashion. We're not going to be running around here like chickens with our heads cut off on Tuesday morning. We're going to try to do this in a real good way. Then there will be some staff that goes out -- as many staff as possible -- go out to Andrews Air Force Base where they will be able to say good-bye to the President.

The President will probably make some closing remarks to them, but they will be not open to the press. It will just be a private moment. Then he'll get on the plane and head to Midland, where he will give an -- he'll give remarks at an open press event in the town square there, and then head to Waco, and then on to Crawford. And that'll be it.

Q What do you mean by debriefing? You said for debriefing. Can you give us --

MS. PERINO: Oh, those are things that you have to do in terms of making sure that you sign off, that you haven't -- that you know you have to keep the secrets that you were told, and things like that.

Q (Inaudible.)

MS. PERINO: No. (Laughter.)

Ken.

Q Dana, as you heard Mr. Gillespie say, you're going to spill your guts about pardons. Where is that process?

MS. PERINO: I don't know why he threw me under the bus on that. (Laughter.)

Q Is there debate on that?

MS. PERINO: He doesn't know that basically I just have you talk to the hand when it comes to pardons. But we have never talked about them from here in terms of what may or may not be coming. And I'm not going to start on five days to go.

Q Let me try on one thing on that. There has been some push-back in this administration on how previous administrations did some of those at the last minute. Will that not happen next week or --

MS. PERINO: I don't anticipate that you'll have any, necessarily, on the 20th, but I can't say that for sure because a President always holds that power and that right up until the time that they're not -- no longer President. So I'm not going to restrain him and that power in any way.

Sheryl.

Q Dana, it's a tradition, I think, in the White House for outgoing staffers to leave something behind. I think you probably inherited a flak jacket that's been passed down.

MS. PERINO: Yep.

Q Does the President plan to leave anything for President-Elect Obama?

MS. PERINO: Yes, he'll -- he plans -- it's tradition for the President to leave a note for the President-elect, and then the President, in the desk of the drawer in the Oval Office, and President Bush plans to do that. I've -- I will do the same for Robert Gibbs. When he was here last week I showed him the flak jacket, but told him that whenever he has a quiet moment then he can read through all the notes. They're really special and it's a private thing that Press Secretaries share and that's a real privilege.

Q Has the President written the note yet or --

MS. PERINO: I don't think so. I don't believe so. The last time we talked about this last week, he thought that he would probably wait until the 20th to compose it.

Q Where do those presidential notes end up? I mean, do they all stack up in the drawer or --

MS. PERINO: No -- no, I don't think so. I'm not sure.

Q Are they being subpoenaed? (Laughter.)

MS. PERINO: I'm sure if the special interests have their way, that they will subpoena them.

Q For a record, though, I mean, perhaps some of the past ones are published? I don't know.

MS. PERINO: I don't know. I don't know.

Q Dana --

MS. PERINO: I'm going to go to Olivier first.

Q You mentioned the world leader calls, and obviously, yes, I would appreciate some of that info. But also, any plans to call any overseas friends, whether it's people like Koizumi or someone like that as a final farewell?

MS. PERINO: I'll let you know. I don't know. The schedule is -- I'm just trying to get through tonight. But let me look and we'll see.

Q And do you mean -- when you guys keep using the word winsome, do you mean wistful?

MS. PERINO: Maybe. (Laughter.) I didn't use it. I didn't use the word.

Q He said he was an English major.

Q Charming in a childlike way. (Laughter.)

MS. PERINO: I used the word "reflective." Maybe wistful -- I think wistful might have been the word.

Go ahead, Les.

Q Thank you, Dana. Two questions. What was the President's reaction to the article entitled "Bush's achievements: Ten things the President got right," by Fred Barnes in the Weekly Standard?

MS. PERINO: I haven't had a chance to talk to him about it, but I read it and commend it to everybody. (Laughter.)

Q What was the President's reaction to Texas Republican U.S. Senator and former judge Joan Cornyn's call on the President to commute what he called the unjust sentences of Texans Ramos and Compean.

MS. PERINO: I think, first and foremost, we should correct the Senator's name, because it's John Cornyn -- not Joan.

Q John, I'm sorry.

MS. PERINO: As I said, we haven't talked about that case from here. We don't talk about pardons from the podium.

Thank you.

END 1:05 P.M. EST.

Wednesday, January 14, 2009

Cooperation Between India and Pakistan VIDEO

the U.S. State Department Daily Press Briefing Sean McCormack, Spokesman Washington, DC January 14, 2009 10:19 a.m. EST.
MR. MCCORMACK: Good morning, everybody. I don’t have anything to start off with, so we’ll get right into your questions.

Kirit, welcome back.

QUESTION: Thanks.

QUESTION: Any comment on the Obama [1] tape?

MR. MCCORMACK: We haven’t been able to authenticate it. We’ve heard it. Look, I think it’s just another propaganda effort. The fact that he releases it in the form that he does, and with the message that he has in which he criticizes Muslim clerics, he criticizes Israel, he criticizes the United States, he criticizes the President-elect. I’m not sure there’s anybody in there that he doesn’t criticize except for himself, which I take as a sign of his very real isolation. I also take it as a sign that al-Qaida has largely been driven from the heart of the Middle East, Iraq, in that fight. Yet, it is also an indication that al-Qaida and bin Ladin are still out there, and that continued vigilance from the – to protect against the threat that still exists is required.

QUESTION: Is the U.S. Government satisfied that it’s – that the tape itself is current?

MR. MCCORMACK: I don’t know. I don’t know that we have (a) determined its authenticity. I don’t, however – I don’t standing here have a reason to question its authenticity. And I don’t think that we have been able to pin it down in time yet. The folks that usually occupy themselves with those things are doing so.

QUESTION: Do you see him trying to take advantage of the Arab and Muslim anger over events in Gaza?

MR. MCCORMACK: Again, I don’t know. I can’t answer the question because I don’t know the timing of it. I don’t know when it was made, if it was just a coincidence that it was – that it came out at this period of time. I just don’t know the answers to those questions.

QUESTION: Even if you can’t the link two, can you say that the timing of it will further throw fuel on the fire?

MR. MCCORMACK: You know, I can’t say that, Lach. Again, as if – just the few lines that I’ve had briefed to me -- I haven’t read the entire transcript – he does seem to lash out at everybody, including Muslim clerics, including Ayatollah Sistani, as well as senior clerics in Egypt as well. So he seems to be lashing out at everybody. And like I said, it just seems to be an indication of his isolation.

Kirit.

QUESTION: A different topic. Has there been any follow up with Prime Minister Olmert about his remarks. He’s – his spokesman is still contending that whatever he said was true.

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, you know, look, I guess that’s their position is sticking to it. I stick by what I said yesterday: It’s completely and utterly 100 percent false. And we have talked to some Israeli officials. I wouldn’t characterize this as having sought an official clarification at this point. But we have talked to some Israeli officials. I’ll let them speak for themselves.

But look, the description as reported – the description of events, as reported, is fiction -- 100 percent fiction, 100 percent false.

QUESTION: In those conversations has that included Prime Minister Olmert?

MR. MCCORMACK: No.

QUESTION: On these rockets coming from Lebanon, are you concerned about a continuation of fire of rockets from Lebanon?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, of course, nobody wants to see this, you know, any of the conflict that is now going on in Gaza expand. I don’t think that there’s been any claim of responsibility. We have, about four or five days ago, seen isolated rocket launches as well. But you know, again, we haven’t seen any claim of responsibility, and certainly nobody wants to see this expand. As a matter of fact, I think, during the last rocket launches the Government of Lebanon condemned the launch.

QUESTION: Do you think there are Palestinian fringe groups (inaudible) there?

MR. MCCORMACK: Don’t know. I don’t know, Lach, at this point. We don’t know. I mean, certainly there are a lot of potential usual suspects in this case. But I don’t know that there’s been any definitive claim or that we can say definitively who is responsible.

Samir.

QUESTION: Are you doing anything at all to talk to the Israelis to be careful not to bomb Lebanon, for example (inaudible)?

MR. MCCORMACK: I’m not aware of any conversations in that regard.

Charles? Anybody?

QUESTION: Yeah, I just want to --

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, Lach, go – keep going.

QUESTION: Just right up to the 20th. (Laughter.)

MR. MCCORMACK: Yeah, that’s right. This is – this is the penultimate briefing. There will be one on Friday, yes.

QUESTION: Yeah, the head of India’s army confirmed that Pakistan has redeployed troops along the two countries’ tense border, a reaction to that. How much concern do you have about that?

MR. MCCORMACK: Look, we are – we have been watching very closely for some time and talking to both sides, the Pakistan side and the Indian side about managing the tensions in the aftermath of terrorist attacks in Mumbai. To this point, both sides have managed to do that successfully, some of these troop movements notwithstanding, both on the Indian side as well as the Pakistani side. We have seen some of these deployments. But you know, overall, relatively speaking, we have seen some cooperation between India and Pakistan. We would like to see more the exchange of information about the Mumbai attacks so that you can get to the bottom of exactly who was responsible, see the entire plot, and hold all responsible for their actions, and make sure that in doing so you prevent any further plots from getting to the point of execution. We’ve seen some of that. We’d like to see more. I think Richard Boucher put it, I think, pretty -- very neatly in saying each side has pieces to the puzzle that the other doesn't, so in order to complete the picture here, they need to cooperate.

QUESTION: Do you think such troop movements are manageable in terms of not inflaming tensions?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, thus far, they have been. Thus far, each side has managed the aftermath of Mumbai in such a way that the tensions haven’t escalated in a way that has been unhelpful to maintaining peace and stability.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) stay on (inaudible)?

MR. MCCORMACK: Charles.

QUESTION: Have you got anything today on the latest round of rumors about Fidel Castro’s health?

MR. MCCORMACK: Nothing definitive.

QUESTION: Nothing definitive?

MR. MCCORMACK: Nothing definitive.

QUESTION: Do you have anything somewhat less than definitive?

MR. MCCORMACK: No, nothing – you know, I’ll --

QUESTION: More than rank rumor?

MR. MCCORMACK: Yeah, I’m not going to – I’m not going to venture there at this point. Obviously, there have been a lot of reports over the past many months that he’s been quite ill.

QUESTION: Thank you.

MR. MCCORMACK: All right.

(The briefing was concluded at 10:25 a.m.)

DPB # 7

[1] Usama

Released on January 14, 2009

Tuesday, January 13, 2009

President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) VIDEO



Secretary Rice delivers opening remarks for the release of The President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) Fifth Annual Report to Congress, in the U.S. Department of State Press Briefing Room. State Department photo by Michael Gross.
Release of the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) Fifth Annual Report to Congress Secretary Condoleezza Rice Ambassador Mark Dybul, U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator Washington, DC January 12, 2009.

SECRETARY RICE: Good morning. I am pleased this morning to release the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief 2009, the Annual Report to Congress. This report highlights the achievements of the first five years of PEPFAR, the largest commitment by any nation to combat a single disease in human history.
In 2003, when President George W. Bush announced PEPFAR, many still doubted whether HIV prevention, care, and treatment services could ever be provided in a resource-limited setting where HIV/AIDS death -- was a death sentence. But just five years later, thanks to strong partnerships between the American people and the people of host nations around the world, we’ve seen what was once thought to be impossible become truly possible.

When PEPFAR was announced, the President set out aggressive goals of supporting treatment for 2 million people, preventing 7 million new infections, and care for 10 million people infected or affected by HIV/AIDS, including orphans and vulnerable children. It is estimated that in 2003, only 50,000 people living with HIV in all of Sub-Saharan Africa were receiving antiretroviral treatment. Ahead of schedule, the United States has fulfilled its commitment to support treatment for 2 million people. As of September 30, 2008, PEPFAR supported life-saving antiretroviral treatment for more than 2.1 million men, women, and children living with HIV/AIDS around the world.
PEPFAR has also supported prevention of mother-to-child HIV transmission services for women during nearly 16 million pregnancies, allowing an estimated 237,000 babies to be born without HIV,
and we’ve reached millions with the ABC message developed in Africa.

Another milestone is in our goal for care. We now support care for more than 10.1 million people affected worldwide, including more than 4 million orphans and vulnerable children who represent the hope for a brighter future. But of course, the best way to help children keep their parents is to keep their parents from becoming infected in the first place and to provide treatment for those parents who do need it, because no program can ever substitute for a parent. So our investments in keeping parents alive are giving children a better future.

President Bush has said on many occasions, though, that one should not become lost in these remarkable statistics. Because what PEPFAR really has done is to provide, more than anything, hope. A disease that was once thought to be a death sentence, a disease that was once thought sure to separate parents from their children, is now a disease that America is helping people to live with and to manage, so that they can be a part of their children’s lives going forward.

I want you to know that over the years, I have been fortunate to be in many countries around the world, including places like Uganda and South Africa, to see the effect that PEPFAR is having. I cannot think of a better example of American ingenuity and American generosity, but also America’s desire to work with people who want to better their own lives in transformational diplomacy, than PEPFAR has been.

I’ve been enormously proud as Secretary of State to be the chief officer responsible for this program. I’ve been enormously proud to help the United States Government and our bipartisan supporters in Congress to make this program, which is a realization of President Bush’s vision, a reality. I’ve had the great honor to work first with Randy Tobias, and now with Mark Dybul, to make certain that PEPFAR is achieving its goals. And as we leave office, I don’t think that anything will stand as strongly in the hearts and minds of people around the world, but also in our own consciousness, as the work and the achievements of PEPFAR.

And so I’m now really honored to give the floor to Mark Dybul, who has led this program with enormous energy and strength. I had the chance, Mark, to thank your great staff a few weeks ago for their compassion and for their effectiveness, and now I will turn over the floor to you to report on the President’s program and our report for Congress for 2009. Thank you.
AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Thank you, Madame Secretary, and thank you for your extraordinary support going back to the days in the White House as National Security Advisor and now as Secretary of State. I’m only going to add a couple of comments to the Secretary’s comments. You have the report. I just want to make a couple specific points to build on what the Secretary said.

First of all – and I think you all have a fact sheet that’s got two rather extraordinary tables – figures, rather, showing not only the final result but the annual results. Five years ago, the President set a final goal, but also annual targets to achieve that goal, and we’ve pretty much met them every year. And that’s a rather extraordinary thing. Sadly, it’s not something that happens in government all that often, where you set goals with intervening annual benchmarks and achieve them. And that’s true for the treatment and the care goals, as the Secretary mentioned.

The second point I want to make which doesn't always come through is that PEPFAR is not only a bilateral program, it’s also a multilateral program. The United States is the largest contributor to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria. The President gave the first gift to the Global Fund, the first second gift of any country, and currently we provide around 30 percent of the resources. So about 30 percent of every Global Fund grant comes from the American people through PEPFAR.

And actually, if you look at the numbers jointly right now, the Global Fund and PEPFAR are supporting treatment for around 2 million[1] people globally, and jointly, particularly in these 15 focus countries the Secretary talked about, supporting treatment for 1.1 million people. So we closely collaborate on the ground.

And that leads me to my third point, which is the broader impact of PEPFAR. As the Secretary spoke about, this really is a partnership. And the importance of the fact that we are jointing with the Global Fund supporting programs on the ground is that we are supporting the national strategy, the national leadership. And this is something President Bush talks about often, that we have resources, but the leadership, the brilliance, the real success, is of the people and the country. And that includes government, nongovernment, faith, community-based organizations and the private sector. And that’s really one of the geniuses of not only this program but what the President has done in development overall, what he’s called the new era in development that leads with country ownership, that pushes good governance, results-based approaches, all sectors being engaged, including all of the ones I talked about, not just government.

And that’s had a broader impact. The New York Times has called this approach a “philosophical revolution”. It’s the first time we’ve actually trusted and believed in the country – countries to do the work. And you may have been an AP story that came out in the last few days that gives on-the-ground examples of how this gets down to the village level. Sweetness, a wonderful woman in South Africa, talked about how this demonstrates the American people care about people at the grassroots level and how this is changing the way people view themselves.

And that’s a couple of the spillover effects: deep-seated accountability that gets down to the village level that connects leaders and countries to their people through health programs. And it’s a tight connection. You can hardly have a tighter connection between leaders and people on the ground, and an accountability. That’s the importance of all these targets and goals, that people feel a sense of accountability and development that we haven’t had before.

And that leads to something extraordinary. A 19-year-old in Namibia actually told me that what we’re doing is building democracy by building these accountability frameworks. And as President Kagame and other presidents in Africa have said, what this does is the first time holds Africans to high standards. Just as in this country the President has talked about the bigotry of low expectations, it’s the same globally. If you expect a lot, treat people as equals, partner with them, support them to achieve things, they will achieve great things. And that is a tremendous shift in development, a philosophical revolution, and we’re pleased to be part of it.

One thing the Secretary didn’t focus on but I think is important is that – because we’re talking about PEPFAR today, the President has done this in development overall, and that’s why it’s a new era in development; tripling of resources during his tenure; quadrupling in Africa; doubling in Latin America. And that doesn't even include massive debt relief and increase in trade, which is the real engine of development.

So with those introductory comments, I’d be happy to take any questions.

QUESTION: Ambassador Dybul, why you have given to your AIDS report the title, quote-unquote, “Celebrating Life,” equal to, quote-unquote, “Celebration of Life,” which has been used during the funeral services? Is there any particular reason?

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: There is. It was actually drawn from something that occurred in South Africa, but is happening, actually, in many countries. When this program began, many hospices existed for HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa, as they did in our country 25 years ago. Basically, it was a place where thousands of people, tens of thousands of people every year, came to die. And as you know, 25 million people have died from this disease.

And so on World AIDS Day, which is every year December 1st, they would hold a commemoration for those who had died. In 2004, after this program began, these hospices began supporting antiretroviral treatment, and one in particular in South Africa, but I’ve seen quite a few of them. By the next World AIDS Day, people weren’t dying anymore because of the antiretroviral therapy. One of the interesting side effects is that they’re trying to figure out what to call themselves. They’re not a hospice anymore.

But the other is, they moved from having a commemorative ceremony for people who died to a celebration of life for the people who were alive. And that’s how they celebrate World AIDS Day. And so we celebrate life as they celebrated life, because this story is being repeated across the continent of Africa.

There’s a lot left to do. As the President said, you know, some people call this program a great success; he calls it a good beginning. We have a lot more work to do, and we’re very pleased that a bipartisan Congress with President-elect Obama as a co-sponsor in the Senate, with Vice President-elect Joe Biden as the floor manager for the bill – we wouldn't have the bill through the Senate without his work – we got a reauthorization which the President signed a couple months ago – strongly bipartisan, as the Secretary noted. And so we will continue to celebrate life as we move forward and do the rest of the work that needs to be done.

QUESTION: A follow-up. Ambassador Dybul, why your PEPFAR program be pursued since it was reported that 870,000 African mother (inaudible) infant (inaudible) were given the black box labeled (inaudible) Nevarapine only once, and this increased the viral resistance of (inaudible) HIV as much 87 percent. What sense does this make, Ambassador Dybul, to continue such a horrible program against the Africans and the American blacks?

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Well, it’s hardly a horrible program when you avoid 240,000 infants from being infected with HIV. Now, we didn’t say it was only single-dose Nevarapine. We said it was antiretroviral prophylaxis, which in countries like Botswana, for example, is not only Nevarapine, it’s AZT, and as well as other countries. As they build their infrastructure, they’re expanding that out.

As you may be away, there – aware, there are actually studies that show that if women begin the Nevarapine immediately after they receive the short doses treatment, then resistance is a problem. But if you delay it by six months, 12 months, there are no difference between the short course of Nevarapine and any other regimen. They still respond equally well.

So there’s a shift globally from single-dose Nevarapine to more complicated regimens. We actually have a panel that just met this last Friday, PMTCT – Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transition activity panel, that expert panel that’s trying to move us more towards full antiretroviral therapy. But it takes some time to do that. But it’s hardly a horrible program when you’re averting all those births*[2], and we’re now treating the mothers to keep them alive, as the Secretary said.

Finally, what we’re trying to do mostly is keep not only the mothers alive, but prevent the new infections to begin with so the mothers will be around to care for their children in a family-based approach.

Yes.

QUESTION: The former President of South Africa, Mbeki, was strongly criticized for not taking the AIDS threat seriously enough and, in particular, treatment programs. Have you noticed a change in the new South African Government, and do you think that sub – that southern Africa in particular is finally getting a grip on the AIDS crisis there?

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: The new minister of health has moved aggressively on HIV/AIDS. We are working closely with them to see how we can support their national program. But we’ve been doing that, actually, for the last five years. You know, beneath some of the things you talked about, last year or this year, South Africa had budgeted in the neighborhood of $800 million of their own dollars for HIV/AIDS support, compared to our about $600 million dollars. So they had moved towards a significant AIDS program. They have probably the largest – they do have the largest public treatment program in the world right now, and so there had been great movement in that direction. But the new minister of health has – have -- moving very aggressively and we’re going to do what we can to support her and the government’s efforts on behalf of their people.

Overall in sub-Saharan Africa, in the deep, southern parts of Africa, we’ve seen tremendous strides over the last four years. You know, people don’t pay attention to Namibia. Namibia has the highest coverage rates in the – on the continent. Now, it’s a small country, but it’s rather remarkable. They’ve achieved what’s considered universal access in the last five years. Botswana. Huge strides in coverage for care and treatment. And both those countries now are seeing declines in prevalence. Namibia just had a demographic national health survey showing a 50 percent decline in prevalence rates among 15- to 25-year-olds. Rather remarkable. And for the first time, we’re seeing the same in – a shift in Botswana in terms of prevention, but they have the care and treatment coverage.

Zambia’s made tremendous progress, not only in terms of HIV rates, which have come down, but also in terms of coverage rates.

Mozambique is doing an excellent job in coverage, or at least expanding coverage, but their physical infrastructure is a little more difficult, and the minister there is focused on it. They are – that is the one country in the deep part of southern Africa where we are seeing some increase in infections. The rest of the countries have stabilized or declined in terms of prevalence rate. So we’ve seen great, great strides in the deep parts of sub-Saharan Africa. And we are by far the largest supporter of those country programs.

QUESTION: But what about Zimbabwe? In Zimbabwe, that’s been another country where a lot of people have suffered and there has been a rise of AIDS. Have you noticed because of the deepening, sort of, political and economic crisis that that’s had a big impact on the AIDS programs there? And what are you doing to try and help?

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Yeah, unfortunately, as in the rest of the other aspects of Zimbabwe, we have seen the destruction of what was a very strong infrastructure. They had one of the best health infrastructures, and now that is being effectively dismantled.

However, we do still see success. A few years ago in Science magazine, it was reported that Zimbabwe had a 23 percent reduction in HIV prevalence rates, and we’ve seen continuing declines. There are actually some interesting theories on that, that the destruction of the economy is actually leading to a decrease in HIV rates, because men who used to have the money for multiple partners no longer have the multiple partners, because they can’t afford them. Whether or not that’s true we don’t know, but we have seen – that’s speculation at this point, but we have seen declines in the HIV rates.

We’ve also seen expansion in services. And you know, although we have these 15 focus countries, Zimbabwe has been in the next five countries in the top 20 countries in terms of our support. We’ve significantly increased our support. Last year, when the country itself was no longer able to pay for the antiretroviral therapy for the 40,000 people they were supporting, we stepped in and provided the antiretroviral drugs. So we are working heavily in Zimbabwe. We’ve seen some success. We would hope that things would change so that we could get back to a strong enough infrastructure, because there is the opportunity to do a great deal of work there.

Yes.

QUESTION: What’s been considered under the next administration as far as you know, in terms of this program? Is it going to run pretty much the same way in terms of the discussions that you’ve had with transition people, or do you anticipate some changes?

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Well, you have to talk to the transition team. I mean, we’ve had the pleasure of talking with them. It’s an extraordinary group of people, an extraordinarily dedicated group of people who know the area well. As I mentioned, the bill itself – the program itself has deep and strong bipartisan support – has from day one. It’s always been bipartisan, whether you look at the votes on the bills or the individual budgets each year, whether the Republicans were in the majority or the Democrats were in the majority, we’ve had very strong support. Not a single Democrat voted against reauthorization in the Senate; only one in the House. The Speaker of the House went and spoke on the well – in the well in favor of the bill. That’s not a usual thing to happen. And as I mentioned, the President-elect co-sponsored the bill. He was one of 16 co-sponsors in the Senate, and the Vice President-elect was the floor manager for the bill in the Senate. He really is the one who moved it in the Senate. It wouldn’t have happened without his support. So clearly, there’s strong support.

Now, will they have individual changes? I can’t imagine a new administration wouldn’t make changes. We change things every year in this administration. One of the things we have found most important in this plan is something the Institute of Medicine called is a learning organization. We look every year to see what it is, and then on a constant basis, what needs to change. So we would hope things would change. The greatest danger to this program is that it becomes part of a bureaucracy, that it doesn’t explore, question, and change based on available data. So I hope there are changes. If there aren’t, then we won’t be doing and the next administration won’t be carrying on that learning organization approach.

Yes.

QUESTION: Ambassador Dybul, as a Global Coordinator and since this is still an issue, could you please release or mention for the records your original scientific paper about the existence of HIV virus, its pathogenic character that causes AIDS in the transmitted section.

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Well, we don’t need to do that because every scientific organization in the world has already done that. So there is no question now in the scientific community -- there never really was -- that HIV causes AIDS. Twenty-five million people have died from this. It’s hard to argue with 25 million deaths. So we don’t have to do that, because it’s all over the place. So I’d be happy to talk with you more in-depth, off line on this. But there’s – we don’t need to do that because every organization in the world has already done it.

QUESTION: But can you mention for the record, just -- about the scientific paper, I am asking you as a Global Coordinator to mention something on the record.

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Yeah. All I – you can look at PubMed. There are, I don’t know, tens of thousands that do so, so we don’t have to do that because they’re all on the record already.

QUESTION: Do you have –

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Any other questions?

QUESTION: -- any progress on cure or on vaccines?

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: In terms of cure, we really shouldn’t be using the term “cure.”

QUESTION: Why?

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Because we’ve never had a cure for a viral illness, and this is a very particularly difficult type of virus, a retrovirus. Hopefully, we will – there will be some technological breakthrough that allows us to have a cure at some point, but we can’t talk about that right now. What we have is long-term chronic treatment, and similar to diabetes or hypertension. So that is what – that is our target now, although we certainly hope that there is a breakthrough, as we hope there is a breakthrough in diabetes, hypertension.

I do think that’s a critical point, though. This is the first time in the history of development we’ve tackled a chronic disease. That’s rather remarkable. Usually, we do one-off things. And that means we’ve had to support national strategies that forces us to support country ownership because you need a national scale-up of a chronic healthcare delivery system.

And so we’ve supported a massive expansion of the health systems in these countries, whether it’s human capacity, physical infrastructure, supply chain management systems, things that didn’t exist before. And that’s building that nationwide accountability. And the data that are available suggest that this intervention on HIV/AIDS is actually building the healthcare for other areas and having a spillover effect. And that’s rather remarkable that the American people, for the first time, are supporting this chronic delivery. You know, when we started this, as the Secretary said, a lot of people said it was impossible. There was actually this terrible myth that there was no way for poor countries to build chronic healthcare.

One of the most remarkable things, and this is something The New York Times focused on in that philosophical revolution, is we have shattered that paternalistic approach to development, that horrible belief, once and for all, that we know now what -- and we can publicly show what the President and we believed five years ago, which is those were terrible myths.

On vaccines, unfortunately, we don’t have any good candidates right now that would tell us that we will have a vaccine in the near term. Again, we’re very hopeful that we will have a technological or other breakthrough. People are working hard on it. The American people provide about 80 percent of the resources from public expenditure for vaccine investment, and it’s important that we continue that, because in the end we need a vaccine. We also need a microbicide, and there are some efforts there as well. But we’re making progress.

Yes.

QUESTION: One more thing. What are you going to be doing? Are you staying on as the AIDS Coordinator, or are you moving?

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Well, I’m – I was appointed by the President, confirmed by the Senate so. As with everyone else, the next administration will make those decisions.

QUESTION: Thank you.

AMBASSADOR DYBUL: Thank you very much.

MR. DUGUID: Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen. 2009/035 Released on January 12, 2009