Monday, August 06, 2007

New York Times Story on FISA Legislation

Statement by Deputy Press Secretary Tony Fratto on New York Times Story on FISA Legislation.

Deputy Press Secretary Tony Fratto VIDCAP from White House press briefing 02/23/07Today's New York Times story by James Risen makes the unfounded claim that new FISA legislation has "broadly expanded the government's authority to eavesdrop on the international telephone calls and e-mail messages American citizens without warrants." This is highly misleading.
Revolutionary changes in technology have occurred since FISA was enacted in 1978, and those changes have resulted in FISA--contrary to the intent of Congress in 1978--often requiring the government to get a court order to collect information on foreign terrorists and other foreign targets located overseas. The new law makes clear that a court order is not required to conduct surveillance of foreign intelligence targets located overseas.

But under FISA, court approval is required for the government to target an individual located in the United States, and nothing in the new law changes that.

Congress has recognized there does not have to be a trade off between the goals of protecting Americans' rights and keeping our Nation safe. The Protect America Act accomplishes both goals.

# # # For Immediate Release Office of the Press Secretary August 6, 2007

Bush Signs Law to Widen Reach for Wiretapping By JAMES RISEN Published: August 6, 2007

WASHINGTON, Aug. 5 — President Bush signed into law on Sunday legislation that broadly expanded the government’s authority to eavesdrop on the international telephone calls and e-mail messages of American citizens without warrants.

Congressional aides and others familiar with the details of the law said that its impact went far beyond the small fixes that administration officials had said were needed to gather information about foreign terrorists. They said seemingly subtle changes in legislative language would sharply alter the legal limits on the government’s ability to monitor millions of phone calls and e-mail messages going in and out of the United States.
They also said that the new law for the first time provided a legal framework for much of the surveillance without warrants that was being conducted in secret by the National Security Agency and outside the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the 1978 law that is supposed to regulate the way the government can listen to the private communications of American citizens.

“This more or less legalizes the N.S.A. program,” said Kate Martin, director of the Center for National Security Studies in Washington, who has studied the new legislation.

Previously, the government needed search warrants approved by a special intelligence court to eavesdrop on telephone conversations, e-mail messages and other electronic communications between individuals inside the United States and people overseas, if the government conducted the surveillance inside the United States.

Today, most international telephone conversations to and from the United States are conducted over fiber-optic cables, and the most efficient way for the government to eavesdrop on them is to latch on to giant telecommunications switches located in the United States.

By changing the legal definition of what is considered “electronic surveillance,” the new law allows the government to eavesdrop on those conversations without warrants — latching on to those giant switches — as long as the target of the government’s surveillance is “reasonably believed” to be overseas.

For example, if a person in Indianapolis calls someone in London, the National Security Agency can eavesdrop on that conversation without a warrant, as long as the N.S.A.’s target is the person in London.

Tony Fratto, a White House spokesman, said Sunday in an interview that the new law went beyond fixing the foreign-to-foreign problem, potentially allowing the government to listen to Americans calling overseas.

But he stressed that the objective of the new law is to give the government greater flexibility in focusing on foreign suspects overseas, not to go after Americans.

“It’s foreign, that’s the point,” Mr. Fratto said. “What you want to make sure is that you are getting the foreign target.”

The legislation to change the surveillance act was rushed through both the House and Senate in the last days before the August recess began.

The White House’s push for the change was driven in part by a still-classified ruling earlier this year by the special intelligence court, which said the government needed to seek court-approved warrants to monitor those international calls going through American switches.

The new law, which is intended as a stopgap and expires in six months, also represents a power shift in terms of the oversight and regulation of government surveillance.

The new law gives the attorney general and the director of national intelligence the power to approve the international surveillance, rather than the special intelligence court. The court’s only role will be to review and approve the procedures used by the government in the surveillance after it has been conducted. It will not scrutinize the cases of the individuals being monitored.

The law also gave the administration greater power to force telecommunications companies to cooperate with such spying operations. The companies can now be compelled to cooperate by orders from the attorney general and the director of national intelligence.

Democratic Congressional aides said Sunday that some telecommunications company officials had told Congressional leaders that they were unhappy with that provision in the bill and might challenge the new law in court. The aides said the telecommunications companies had told lawmakers that they would rather have a court-approved warrant ordering them to comply.

In fact, pressure from the telecommunications companies on the Bush administration has apparently played a major hidden role in the political battle over the surveillance issue over the past few months.

In January, the administration placed the N.S.A.’s warrantless wiretapping program under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, and subjected it for the first time to the scrutiny of the FISA court.

Democratic Congressional aides said Sunday that they believed that pressure from major telecommunications companies on the White House was a major factor in persuading the Bush administration to do that. Those companies were facing major lawsuits for having secretly cooperated with the warrantless wiretapping program, and now wanted greater legal protections before cooperating further.

But the change suddenly swamped the court with an enormous volume of search warrant applications, leading, in turn, to the administration’s decision to seek the new legislation. New York Times Story on FISA Legislation

Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company

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Sunday, August 05, 2007

The unexpected consensus among voting methods

voting machine, From the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution in the Vote: The Machinery of Democracy exhibit.Historically, the theoretical social choice literature on voting procedures in economics and political science routinely highlights worst case scenarios, emphasizing the inexistence of a universally ‘best’ voting method. Indeed, the Impossibility Theorem of Nobel Laureate Kenneth Arrow proved that no voting method can ever satisfy all of his requirements simultaneously.
But as the U.S. Presidential election of 2000 reminds us, voting methods continue to court controversy, and there are many efforts under way to reform the electoral system at all levels of government. Unfortunately, the popular debate and the scientific debate about voting methods have long been preoccupied with theoretical claims that are often supported only with simple hypothetical thought experiments. Likewise, the theoretical social choice literature on voting procedures in economics and political science primarily highlights worst case scenarios and the mathematical impossibility of a single universally ‘best’ election method.

New research published in Psychological Science, a journal of the Association for Psychological Science, tested whether methods of voting, including instant runoff, achieved more similar results than previously thought.

Michel Regenwetter, a professor of psychology and political science at the University of Illinois, along with his colleagues analyzed four presidential elections of the American Psychological Association (APA) using state-of-the art decision modeling and statistical methods. APA elections are particularly useful for such analyses because, in contrast to a common two-person runoff election, the APA ballots provide individual voter preference rankings and the APA elections involve multiple candidates (five).

Using these data, the researchers compared instant runoff voting to three other classic methods: Condorcet, in which all candidates are placed head to head against each rival, the winner being the one who wins the most contests; The Borda count in which points are given to each candidate based on ranking by the voter; and the more familiar Plurality system, in which each voter gives one vote to one single candidate.

Although past research has routinely depicted these procedures as irreconcilable, Regenwetter and his colleagues found strong support for consensus among these procedures in these elections. Their findings contrast two centuries of pessimistic thought experiments and computer simulations and demonstrate the need for more systematic empirical research on voting than exists to date. ###

Story Contact: Jesse Erwin jerwin@psychologicalscience.org 202-783-2077 Association for Psychological Science

Image Summary and Licensing: Description A voting machine designed by Alfred J. Gillespie and marketed by the Standard Voting Machine Company of Rochester, New York from the late 1890s.

Source From the National Museum of American History of the Smithsonian Institution in the Vote: The Machinery of Democracy exhibit. Date creation date unknown. Author National Museum of American History. Permission Work of the United States Government

This Image is in the public domain in the United States because it is a work of the United States Federal Government under the terms of 17 U.S.C. § 105

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