White House Press Briefing by Dana Perino 12/07/07 VIDEO PODCAST

Press Briefing by Dana Perino, FULL STREAMING VIDEO, White House Conference Center Briefing Room, PODCAST OF THIS ARTICLE MP3, Dana M. Perino Biography, 12:42 P.M. EDT.

MS. PERINO: Good afternoon. I don't have anything to start with on this Friday, so I'll go straight to questions. Jennifer.

Q Thanks. On these CIA videotapes, did either the President or Vice President or Condoleezza Rice, when she was National Security Advisor, or Steve Hadley, see them before they were destroyed?

MS. PERINO: I spoke to the President, and so I will have to defer on the others. But I spoke to the President this morning about this. He has no recollection of being made aware of the tapes or their destruction before yesterday. He was briefed by General Hayden yesterday morning. And as to the others, I'll have to -- I'll refer you to the Vice President's office and I'll see if I can get the others.

Q Was there any White House involvement in approving or commenting upon their destruction?

MS. PERINO: As I said, the President has no recollection knowing about the tapes or about their destruction, and so I can't answer the follow-up.

Q Just one more. If there -- Senator Durbin is calling for Justice to investigate whether there is -- whether the destruction represents obstruction of justice. Is there any White House comment on whether that might or might not be the case?

MS. PERINO: I saw that they made that request. I know that the CIA Director is gathering facts and our White House Counsel's Office is supporting them in that. Whether or not there is going to be an investigation to that scale will have to be determined by others.

Q Dana, is this something that you would characterize the President's feeling about -- is this something that's sort of seen as understandable, or is this something that you're embarrassed about?

MS. PERINO: I would say that the President supports General Hayden. General Hayden made a statement yesterday to his employees in which he said that the decision was made by the agency, it was made in consultation with the agency's lawyers. And he said -- and I quote -- that "the tapes posed a serious security risk and were they ever to leak, they would permit identification of your CIA colleagues who had served in the program, exposing them and their families to retaliation from al Qaeda and its sympathizers."

He has complete confidence in General Hayden and he has asked White House Counsel's Office, as I said, who is already in communication with the CIA General Counsel as the CIA Director continues to gather facts. As you know, General Hayden wasn't there at this time, either.

Q There was no step short of destruction of the tape that would address these concerns?

MS. PERINO: As they're gathering facts I think that it's best that I not comment along the way, and let them do that review over at the CIA, and have us be supportive of it without us characterizing.

Did you have one?

Q Can you -- just a general description of his reaction when he was briefed by -- briefed about this?

MS. PERINO: I wasn't there. I only asked him about this --

Q Well, what was his reaction -- did he express any opinion or reaction to this when you asked him about it?

MS. PERINO: Again, it would be inappropriate for me to comment about his characterization of it, as the CIA Director is doing a review. They're gathering facts and, as Jennifer said, there's been a call for investigation. So until that plays out, I'm not going to comment.

Matt.

Q Dana, some legal experts are saying that the destruction of these tapes --

MS. PERINO: Who are the legal experts?

Q Some legal experts are saying that the destruction of these tapes actually wrecks the chances of convicting the terrorism suspects who are being -- who were taped. Is there any comment on that --

MS. PERINO: No. I'm sure there are a lot of legal opinions out there. I'm not a lawyer, so I'll decline to comment on it.

Q Dana, regardless of the reasons for destroying these tapes, what does the White House say to members of the House Intelligence Committee? Hayden apparently said, well, we notified them about the tapes and they exist, and we are going to destroy them. Some of them say, no, you didn't, we didn't know about it -- Hoekstra among them. Also, the 9/11 Commission said, you know, we asked for this information; we were told it didn't exist.

Regardless, again, of why this material was destroyed, shouldn't these both -- and certainly the 9/11 Commission -- have had the opportunity to view the tapes that they requested?

MS. PERINO: I think that question is best directed to the CIA in regards to who was briefed and when.

Q And the President doesn't have any concerns about --

MS. PERINO: Again, as they continue to gather facts, I'm not going to comment beyond that characterization. But the CIA should be the one to answer questions about who was briefed, and when, on the Hill.

Q Dana, can I get back to -- when you said the President supports General Hayden, is he supporting the reason that General Hayden cited? Does he think that protecting his employees was an appropriate reason?

MS. PERINO: The President doesn't have any reason to doubt General Hayden. He has complete confidence in him, and he has asked the Counsel's Office to be supportive of the review that General Hayden is doing, and we'll help them to gather the facts as we can.

Sheryl.

Q Can you talk about how the -- General Hayden informed the President? Did he call him on the phone? Did he ask for a meeting and come here to the White House?

MS. PERINO: It was in the regular intelligence briefing yesterday morning.

Q And did the President express no opinion at all about not being made aware of these tapes? You said he was -- he has no recollection of being made aware of the tapes or their destruction before yesterday. Obviously, General Hayden has known for some time that these tapes existed and were destroyed. Is the President angry or upset about being kept in the dark?

MS. PERINO: As I said, I'm not going to characterize -- I asked the President about whether he knew about the tapes and their existence or their destruction; he said he had no recollection of that. He did not remember being made aware of those prior to yesterday morning. And as I said in previous times before, I'm not going to characterize his reaction.

Q Dana, a follow-up to that, was anyone else in the White House notified about the existence of the tapes, aware of the existence, aware that they were going to be destroyed, that they were destroyed? The Vice President? Anyone else in the White House --

MS. PERINO: As I said -- I already said that I asked about the President -- look, if we can get you answers on other people, I will. The Vice President's office has a press office and you can contact them.

Anyone else? Roger.

Q Back to Jennifer's question, you said this -- the White House Counsel is supporting the CIA and helping collect information. But does the President support a request to Mukasey to investigate?

MS. PERINO: I think I answered that already as well, which is, they're gathering facts, and if there's a decision to investigate, of course the White House would -- it's a hypothetical. If the Attorney General moves on down that road, of course the White House would support that.

Q Are you urging the Attorney General to look into it?>

MS. PERINO: As I said, we are supporting the CIA Director. They are still gathering facts over at the CIA. We are helping them, and I think it's premature to say.

Peter.

Q Just to clarify, Dana, when you say the President supports Hayden, is he -- are we to infer that he supports Hayden's decision to destroy these tapes?

MS. PERINO: Hayden wasn't at the agency at the time.

Q I mean, the CIA decision to destroy these tapes.

MS. PERINO: As I said -- what I said is that he doesn't have any reason -- he said he has complete confidence in General Hayden; he doesn't have any reason to doubt him. They are still gathering facts, and I think until that is finished, I'm not going to comment beyond that.

Q What's the level of concern here that a law may have been broken, or laws may have been broken?

MS. PERINO: I think I'll decline to comment.

Q Why?

MS. PERINO: Well, as I said, they are continuing to gather facts. And so I don't think it's appropriate for me to comment on that.

Q Can you elaborate on what the role of the White House Counsel's Office is in this?

MS. PERINO: Well, they're the appropriate -- the CIA General Counsel's Office is the one that is helping to gather the facts for General Hayden. And so it's appropriate that our Counsel's Office be the ones that are communicating with them.

Q So just a -- you're saying it's just a legal liaison between here and there, or is the White House Counsel's Office helping the CIA get its story together on this?

MS. PERINO: They're helping them gather facts. We said we would support them in that.

Anybody else on this? Okay, in the back.

Q Can you confirm that if there was a phone call between President Bush and Chinese President Hu Jintao yesterday, and what was the nature of the conversation?

MS. PERINO: Yes, we've already said that there a conversation. They talked about a wide variety of subjects, including the Iran NIE.

Q Anything about Taiwan, specifically?

MS. PERINO: Not that I recall.

Go ahead.

Q Dana, thank you. President Bush sent a letter to North Korean leader Kim Jong-il. Why he did now, and what is the contents of the letter?

MS. PERINO: Well, as I said yesterday, the President sent a letter to every member of the six-party talks. And we are at a critical juncture, as the President would say, that this is a time when we're nearing the end of the 2005 agreement, that it has to be done by December 31st. And what that means is that North Korea has to make a complete and accurate declaration. And the President was reminding Kim Jong-il and the other members of the six-party talks that at the highest levels of this government we support the effort, and we are working to make sure that everyone is on the same page, and reminding North Korea that they have an obligation and a responsibility to send in a complete and accurate declaration. And Ambassador Chris Hill is on the ground there, and they are working amongst each other to figure out how that is going to be received and disseminated amongst the parties.

Q Have you gotten any response from Kim Jong-il?

MS. PERINO: Not that I'm aware of, but Ambassador Chris Hill might be able to tell you.

Ann.

Q What is the President's instruction to any members of his administration when there have been repeated requests for videos, or information, or any notes, or any investigation, any congressional committee asking for things that might be in the administration's hands?

MS. PERINO: In general, the President has always said that we should be responsive to requests in the appropriate way. And so I'm not going to comment any further on that because that's asking me to comment specifically about this issue regarding the videotapes. As the CIA Director continues to gather his facts, we'll work with him through our White House Counsel's Office to do that.

Sheryl.

Q Dana, can you just elaborate on this fact-gathering process? What is it that the CIA wants to know --

MS. PERINO: I don't know, Sheryl, I think it's too early.

Q -- what facts are being gathered, and when --

MS. PERINO: I don't know, I haven't been on the phone with the general counsel.

Q And when do you expect that the CIA and the President will make some further statement about this, and whether or not there ought to be an investigation, or what should happen next?

MS. PERINO: Beyond my briefing today, I don't expect anything up here today, but you'll have to call the CIA. It's a question best directed at them of whether they'll make another statement or do anything further.

Q No, but I just mean, like, in a week will we hear back from you --

MS. PERINO: I don't know.

Q -- that the CIA has concluded its, you know, investigation?

MS. PERINO: I can understand why you have a question, but I just -- I don't know.

Q Dana, there's an ongoing debate in the country about sort of where the lines are, as regards torture, and -- or enhanced interrogation. And I'm wondering if you feel that this report -- which I don't think anyone's contesting that the destruction of the tapes took place -- does this undermine the administration's position?

MS. PERINO: I think I would say -- I would take this opportunity, though, to take a step back and remind people about this interrogation program, which was put in place to deal with a very limited number of people; the most intransigent of terrorists. This program has saved lives. It is legal, safe, effective; it is limited, it is tough, and it has led to the capture of individuals -- terrorists -- who had information that was able to lead us to others. These are the -- General Hayden has talked about this several times, in terms of how many people -- we had this debate earlier this year, and the program is critical to the safety of the country.

Q And if it's so defensible, then why destroy any part of it?

MS. PERINO: Again, I'm not going to comment on that. The CIA has made its comment. They've said that they -- that the agency made its decision, and it was based -- and it was done in consultation with their legal counsel. And let's let the CIA Director gather those facts, and we'll see what they come up -- what they say after that.

Q Dana, what were the circumstances of General Hayden telling the President about this? Was it a report? Was Bush asking about the report? Was it --

MS. PERINO: All I know, Wendell, is that yesterday in the President's briefing with the intelligence folks, of which General Hayden is the one who comes to brief the President, that's when he was told about it.

Q Dana, when you say the President supports General Hayden, you're specifically singling out the current director, not the previous one who actually made the decision --

MS. PERINO: Well, I didn't ask the President about that. But I don't have any reason for -- I think -- I don't think that we have any reason to doubt what the CIA's legal counsel -- the advice that they gave to the CIA at the time. I said I think that those facts need to be gathered before that can be said.

Paula.

Q It appears that Congress, if they can't resolve the omnibus spending bills, is looking at extending the CR until early February. Would the President support something that long, given that (inaudible) war supplemental?

MS. PERINO: What's interesting is that I just heard another rumor on my way down to the briefing room about what Congress is planning to do, what the Democrats are planning to do with their -- in order to solve the spending fix that they've gotten themselves into. And so I think it's premature to say.

What the President wants is clean and full funding for the troops, as well as an appropriations bill to be sent to him. Of course, the President is not -- does not want a shutdown of the federal government; I don't think Congress wants that either. There's no need for there to be one. They could send us the bills.

If there has to be another CR, we will have to cross that bridge when we come to it. They have another week in order to work, though.

Q Well, my understanding, probably the same thing, is that they are trying to, like, make all these spending bills within the limit, but the war supplemental is still at issue. So if they need a little extra time to try to --

MS. PERINO: I've heard -- I've heard it even differently from that. I think we ought to let the Democrats come together in one -- with one position before we negotiate with them.

All right, Les.

Q Thank you, Dana. Two questions. The President has seen or listened to or seen news coverage of Governor Romney's speech yesterday on church and state, hasn't he?

MS. PERINO: I do not -- no, I don't -- I don't know. He maybe saw news coverage this morning.

Q Does he believe that this speech yesterday will have the same desired effect as a similar speech by Senator John F. Kennedy, also of Massachusetts?

MS. PERINO: I don't know about that. I do know that the President thinks that everyone should be able to describe their religion for themselves.

Peter.

Q Back to this tape story. The CIA says the tapes were part of an internal check that they put in place after the President authorized this questioning technique. So what's the ramification of the destruction of that record that they instituted to --

MS. PERINO: I think this goes back to the question regarding the legal advice that the CIA got from their counsel, and I don't have -- again, I don't have the facts on it, and I don't have any reason to question their legal advice. But that, obviously, will be a part of what the CIA general looks at.

Q Okay, thank you.

MS. PERINO: Thanks.

END 12:57 P.M. EST. For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, December 7, 2007

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Mitt Romney Faith in America Speech VIDEO

Fmr. Gov. Mitt Romney's (R-MA) "Faith in America" Speech: FULL STREAMING VIDEO Speaking from the George H.W. Bush Presidential Library in College Station, TX, fmr. Gov. Mitt Romney (R-MA) discusses religion, politics and governance.

The speech by the GOP Presidential candidate is being compared to then-Sen. John Kennedy's 1960 address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Assn. 12/6/2007: COLLEGE STATION, TX: running time 25:10.

Governor Romney's "Faith In America" Address (As Delivered): "Thank you, Mr. President, for your kind introduction.

"It is an honor to be here again today. This is an inspiring place because of you and the First Lady and because of the film that is exhibited across the way in the Presidential library.

For those who have not seen it, it shows the President as a young pilot, shot down during the Second World War, being rescued from his life-raft by the crew of an American submarine. It's a moving reminder that when America has faced challenge and peril, Americans rise to the occasion, willing to risk their very lives to defend freedom and preserve our nation. We're in your debt, Mr. President. Thank you, very, very much

(APPLAUSE)

"Mr. President, your generation rose to the occasion, first to defeat Fascism and then to vanquish the Soviet Union. You left us, your children, a free and strong America. It's why we call yours the greatest generation. It's now my generation's turn. How we respond to today's challenges will define our generation. And it will determine what kind of America we will leave our children, and theirs.

"America faces a new generation of challenges. Radical, violent Islam seeks to destroy us. An emerging China endeavors to surpass our economic leadership. And we're troubled at home by government overspending, overuse of foreign oil, and the breakdown of the family.

"Over the last year, we've embarked on a national debate on how best to preserve American leadership. Today, I wish to address a topic which I believe is fundamental to America's greatness: our religious liberty. I'll also offer perspectives on how my own faith would inform my Presidency, if I were elected.

"There are some who may feel that religion is not a matter to be seriously considered in the context of the weighty threats that face us. If so, they're at odds with the nation's founders, for they, when our nation faced its greatest peril, sought the blessings of the Creator. And further, they discovered the essential connection between the survival of a free land and the protection of religious freedom. In John Adams' words: 'We have no government armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion.' 'Our Constitution,' he said, 'was made for a moral and religious people.'

"Freedom requires religion just as religion requires freedom. Freedom opens the windows of the soul so that man can discover his most profound beliefs and commune with God. Freedom and religion endure together, or perish alone.

"Given our grand tradition of religious tolerance and liberty, some wonder whether there are any questions regarding an aspiring candidate's religion that are appropriate. I believe there are. And I'll answer them today.

"Almost 50 years ago another candidate from Massachusetts explained that he was an American running for President, not a Catholic running for President. Like him, I am an American running for President. I do not define my candidacy by my religion. A person should not be elected because of his faith nor should he be rejected because of his faith.

"Let me assure you that no authorities of my church, or of any other church for that matter, will ever exert influence on presidential decisions. Their authority is theirs, within the province of church affairs, and it ends where the affairs of the nation begin.

"As Governor, I tried to do the right as best I knew it, serving the law and answering to the Constitution. I did not confuse the particular teachings of my church with the obligations of the office and of the Constitution – and of course, I would not do so as President. I will put no doctrine of any church above the plain duties of the office and the sovereign authority of the law.

"As a young man, Lincoln described what he called America's 'political religion' – the commitment to defend the rule of law and the Constitution. When I place my hand on the Bible and take the oath of office, that oath becomes my highest promise to God. If I'm fortunate to become your President, I will serve no one religion, no one group, no one cause, and no one interest. A President must serve only the common cause of the people of the United States.

(APPLAUSE)

"There are some for whom these commitments are not enough. They would prefer it if I would simply distance myself from my religion, say that it's more a tradition than my personal conviction, or disavow one or another of its precepts. That I will not do. I believe in my Mormon faith, and I endeavor to live by it. My faith is the faith of my fathers – I will be true to them and to my beliefs.

"Some believe that such a confession of my faith will sink my candidacy. If they're right, so be it. But I think they underestimate the American people. Americans do not respect believers of convenience. Americans tire of those who would jettison their beliefs, even to gain the world.

"There is one fundamental question about which I often am asked. What do I believe about Jesus Christ? I believe that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and the Savior of mankind. My church's beliefs about Christ may not all be the same as those of other faiths. Each religion has its own unique doctrines and history. These are not bases for criticism but rather a test of our tolerance. Religious tolerance would be a shallow principle indeed if it were reserved only for faiths with which we agree.

"There are some who would have a presidential candidate describe and explain his church's distinctive doctrines. To do so would enable the very religious test the founders prohibited in the Constitution. No candidate should become the spokesman for his faith. For if he becomes President he will need the prayers of the people of all faiths.

(APPLAUSE)

"I believe that every faith I have encountered draws its adherents closer to God. And in every faith I've come to know, there are features I wish were in my own: I love the profound ceremony of the Catholic Mass, the approachability of God in the prayers of the Evangelicals, the tenderness of spirit among the Pentecostals, the confident independence of the Lutherans, the ancient traditions of the Jews, unchanged through the ages, and the commitment to frequent prayer of the Muslims. As I travel across the country and see our towns and cities, I'm always moved by the many houses of worship with their steeples, all pointing to heaven, reminding us of the source of life's blessings.

"It's important to recognize that while differences in theology exist between the churches in America, we share a common creed of moral convictions. And where the affairs of our nation are concerned, it's usually a sound rule to focus on the latter – on the great moral principles that urge us all on a common course. Whether it was the cause of abolition, or civil rights, or the right to life itself, no movement of conscience can succeed in America that cannot speak to the convictions of religious people.

"We separate church and state affairs in this country, and for good reason. No religion should dictate to the state nor should the state interfere with the free practice of religion. But in recent years, the notion of the separation of church and state has been taken by some well beyond its original meaning. They seek to remove from the public domain any acknowledgment of God. Religion is seen as merely a private affair with no place in public life. It is as if they're intent on establishing a new religion in America – the religion of secularism. They're wrong.

(APPLAUSE)

"The founders proscribed the establishment of a state religion, but they did not countenance the elimination of religion from the public square. We are a nation 'Under God' and in God, we do indeed trust.

"We should acknowledge the Creator as did the Founders – in ceremony and word. He should remain on our currency, in our pledge, in the teaching of our history, and during the holiday season, Nativity scenes and Menorahs should be welcome in our public places.

(APPLAUSE)

"Our greatness would not long endure without judges who respect the foundation of faith upon which our Constitution rests. I will take care to separate the affairs of government from any religion, but I will not separate us from 'the God who gave us liberty.'

(APPLAUSE)

"Nor would I separate us from our religious heritage. Perhaps the most important question to ask a person of faith who seeks a political office, is this: does he share these American values: the equality of human kind, the obligation to serve one another, and a steadfast commitment to liberty?

"They're not unique to any one denomination. They belong to the great moral inheritance we hold in common. They're the firm ground on which Americans of different faiths meet and stand as a nation, united.

"We believe that every single human being is a child of God – we're all part of the human family. The conviction of the inherent and inalienable worth of every life is still the most revolutionary political proposition ever advanced. John Adams put it that we are 'thrown into the world all equal and alike.'

"The consequence of our common humanity is our responsibility to one another, to our fellow Americans foremost, but also to every child of God. It's an obligation which is fulfilled by Americans every day, here and across the globe, without regard to creed or race or nationality.

"Americans acknowledge that liberty is a gift of God, not an indulgence of government.

(APPLAUSE)

"No people in the history of the world have sacrificed as much for liberty. The lives of hundreds of thousands of America's sons and daughters were laid down during the last century to preserve freedom, for us and for freedom loving people throughout the world. America took nothing from that Century's terrible wars – no land from Germany or Japan or Korea; no treasure; no oath of fealty. America's resolve in the defense of liberty has been tested time and again. It has not been found wanting, nor must it ever be. America must never falter in holding high the banner of freedom.

(APPLAUSE)

"These American values, this great moral heritage, is shared and lived in my religion as it is in yours. I was taught in my home to honor God and love my neighbor. I saw my father march with Martin Luther King. I saw my parents provide compassionate care to others, in personal ways to people nearby, and in just as consequential ways in leading national volunteer movements. I'm moved by the Lord's words: 'For I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink: I was a stranger, and ye took me in: naked, and ye clothed me...'

"My faith is grounded on these truths. You can witness them in Ann and my marriage and in our family. We are a long way from perfect and we have surely stumbled along the way, but our aspirations, our values, are the self-same as those from the other faiths that stand upon this common foundation. And these convictions will indeed inform my presidency.

(APPLAUSE)

"Today's generations of Americans have always known religious liberty. Perhaps we forget the long and arduous path our nation's forbearers took to achieve it. They came here from England to seek freedom of religion. But upon finding it for themselves, they at first denied it to others. Because of their diverse beliefs, Ann Hutchinson was exiled from Massachusetts Bay, Roger Williams founded Rhode Island, and two centuries later, Brigham Young set out for the West. Americans were unable to accommodate their commitment to their own faith with an appreciation for the convictions of others to different faiths. In this, they were very much like those of the European nations they'd left.

"It was in Philadelphia that our Founding Fathers defined a revolutionary vision of liberty, grounded on self evident truths about the equality of all, and the inalienable rights with which each is endowed by his Creator.

"We cherish these sacred rights, and secure them in our Constitutional order. Foremost do we protect religious liberty, not as a matter of policy but as a matter of right. There will be no established church, and we are guaranteed the free exercise of our religion.

"I'm not sure that we fully appreciate the profound implications of our tradition of religious liberty. I've visited many of the magnificent cathedrals in Europe. They are so inspired, so grand, and so empty. Raised up over generations, long ago, so many of the cathedrals now stand as the postcard backdrop to societies just too busy or too 'enlightened' to venture inside and kneel in prayer. The establishment of state religions in Europe did no favor to Europe's churches. And though you will find many people of strong faith there, the churches themselves seem to be withering away.

"Infinitely worse is the other extreme, the creed of conversion by conquest: violent Jihad, murder as martyrdom, killing Christians, Jews, and Muslims with equal indifference. These radical Islamists do their preaching not by reason or example, but in the coercion of minds and the shedding of blood. We face no greater danger today than theocratic tyranny, and the boundless suffering these states and groups could inflict if given the chance.

"The diversity of our cultural expression, and the vibrancy of our religious dialogue, has kept America in the forefront of civilized nations even as others regard religious freedom as something to be destroyed.

"In such a world, we can be deeply thankful that we live in a land where reason and religion are friends and allies in the cause of liberty, joined against the evils and dangers of the day.

(APPLAUSE)

"And you can be certain of this: Any believer in religious freedom, any person who has knelt in prayer to the Almighty, has a friend and ally in me. And so it is for hundreds of millions of our countrymen. We do not insist on a single strain of religion. Rather, we welcome our nation's symphony of faith.

(APPLAUSE)

"Recall the early days of the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia, during the fall of 1774. With Boston occupied by British troops, there were rumors of imminent hostilities and fears of an impending war. In this time of peril, someone suggested that they pray. But there were objections. 'They were too divided in religious sentiments', what with Episcopalians and Quakers, Anabaptists and Congregationalists, Presbyterians and Catholics.

"Then Sam Adams rose, and said he would hear a prayer from anyone of piety and good character, as long as they were a patriot.

"And so together they prayed, and together they fought, and together, by the grace of God, they founded this great nation.

(APPLAUSE)

"And, in that spirit, let us give thanks to the divine 'author of liberty.' And together, let us pray that this land may always be blessed, 'with freedom's holy light.'

"God bless this great land, the United States of America. Thank you."

(APPLAUSE)

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