bush radio address 11/26/05 full audio, text transcript

bush radio address 11/26/05 full audio, text transcript PODCAST

President's Radio Address

THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This week, we gather with our loved ones to give thanks for the many blessings in our lives. Each family has its own traditions, yet we are united as a nation in setting aside a day of gratitude. We are thankful for our family and friends, who fill our lives with joy and love. We are thankful for the abundance of this prosperous land. We are thankful for the freedom that makes possible the enjoyment of all these gifts. And we acknowledge with humility that all these blessings and life itself come from Almighty God.

On Thanksgiving and throughout the year, we are grateful to the men and women of our Armed Forces for securing the peace in these dangerous times. Many members of our Armed Forces are observing this holiday in places far from home. They are serving with courage and skill in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere to defend our freedom and extend the blessings of freedom to others. In the past year, these brave Americans have continued to fight terrorists abroad so we do not have to face them here at home. And they have helped the people of Iraq and Afghanistan hold historic and successful elections. They are America's finest, and we thank them today and every day for their service and sacrifice.

This week we also extend our gratitude to our military families, who are making great sacrifices to advance freedom's cause. Many of our servicemen and women have endured long deployments and separations from home. Many of those they leave behind must deal with the burden of raising families while praying for the safe return of their loved ones. All Americans honor and appreciate the commitment and sacrifice of our military families.

We think especially this week of those military families who are mourning the loss of loved ones. Every person who dies in the line of duty commands the eternal gratitude of the American people. The military families who mourn the fallen can know that America will not forget their sacrifice, and they can know that we will honor that sacrifice by completing the noble mission for which their loved ones gave their lives.

The Thanksgiving holiday reminds us that, "to whom much is given, from him much will be required." As we count our blessings, we are mindful of the need to share our blessings and gifts with others, and America is moved to compassionate action. This compassionate spirit was seen again this year, when Americans rallied to help their neighbors in need after the destruction caused by Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. We pray for continued strength as we rebuild these communities and return hope to our fellow citizens.

The universal call to love a neighbor also extends beyond our shores, moving us to help people in other lands. Our nation has begun to help the millions of people in Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan who are suffering after last month's devastating earthquake in South Asia. I urge you to visit the website of the South Asia Earthquake Relief Fund at SouthAsiaEarthquakeRelief.org to find out how you can help. And to help others in need in your hometown, across America, and around the world, please visit the USA Freedom Corps website at USAFreedomCorps.gov.

This week of Thanksgiving, we ask that God continue to bless our families and our nation. Laura and I wish you all a happy and safe Thanksgiving weekend.

Thank you for listening.

END, For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 26, 2005

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National Drunk and Drugged Driving Prevention Month, 2005

National Drunk and Drugged Driving Prevention Month, 2005, A Proclamation by the President of the United States of America

During National Drunk and Drugged Driving Prevention Month, we renew our efforts to educate all Americans about the tragic consequences of impaired driving and encourage all Americans to drive responsibly.

Every year, too many of our citizens get behind the wheel of an automobile after drinking alcohol or using drugs. This puts drivers, passengers, and others on the road at risk. Last year alone, drunk driving killed more than 16,000 people and accounted for more than 30 percent of all motor vehicle deaths.

My Administration remains committed to saving lives and preventing injuries resulting from drunk and drugged driving. The Department of Transportation's National Highway Traffic Safety Administration oversees the "You Drink & Drive. You Lose." program, which educates our citizens about the dangers of driving under the influence. This campaign also encourages lifesaving measures to help keep impaired drivers off the road including sobriety checkpoints, saturation patrols, and prosecution of those who break the law. To protect our Nation's young people and deter underage drinking, the Helping America's Youth initiative, led by First Lady Laura Bush, is promoting positive youth development and educating our children about the dangers associated with alcohol and drug use. With the help of parents, educators, and faith-based and community organizations, this initiative teaches our children to avoid alcohol and drug use, make healthy choices, and build lives of purpose.

Keeping drunk and drugged drivers off the road is vital for the safety of our loved ones and fellow citizens. All Americans can encourage responsible actions and work to ensure that those around them do not operate a vehicle while under the influence. When law enforcement, communities, and individuals unite against impaired driving, lives are saved and our Nation's roadways are made safer for everyone.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, GEORGE W. BUSH, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim December 2005 as National Drunk and Drugged Driving Prevention Month. I encourage all Americans to help keep our Nation's roadways safe by making responsible decisions and taking appropriate measures to prevent drunk and drugged driving.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this twenty second day of November, in the year of our Lord two thousand five, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirtieth.

GEORGE W. BUSH

# # # For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 23, 2005

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Thanksgiving Day, 2005

Thanksgiving Day, 2005, A Proclamation by the President of the United States of America

Thanksgiving Day is a time to remember our many blessings and to celebrate the opportunities that freedom affords. Explorers and settlers arriving in this land often gave thanks for the extraordinary plenty they found. And today, we remain grateful to live in a country of liberty and abundance. We give thanks for the love of family and friends, and we ask God to continue to watch over America.

This Thanksgiving, we pray and express thanks for the men and women who work to keep America safe and secure. Members of our Armed Forces, State and local law enforcement, and first responders embody our Nation's highest ideals of courage and devotion to duty. Our country is grateful for their service and for the support and sacrifice of their families. We ask God's special blessings on those who have lost loved ones in the line of duty.

We also remember those affected by the destruction of natural disasters. Their tremendous determination to recover their lives exemplifies the American spirit, and we are grateful for those across our Nation who answered the cries of their neighbors in need and provided them with food, shelter, and a helping hand. We ask for continued strength and perseverance as we work to rebuild these communities and return hope to our citizens.

We give thanks to live in a country where freedom reigns, justice prevails, and hope prospers. We recognize that America is a better place when we answer the universal call to love a neighbor and help those in need. May God bless and guide the United States of America as we move forward.

NOW, THEREFORE, I, GEORGE W. BUSH, President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim Thursday, November 24, 2005, as a National Day of Thanksgiving. I encourage all Americans to gather together in their homes and places of worship with family, friends, and loved ones to reinforce the ties that bind us and give thanks for the freedoms and many blessings we enjoy.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this eighteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord two thousand five, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and thirtieth.

GEORGE W. BUSH

# # # For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 19, 2005

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Attorney General Gonzales on Jose Padilla (VIDEO)

Prepared Remarks of Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales at the Press Conference Regarding the Indictment of Jose Padilla

Good morning.

I am joined by Assistant Attorney General Alice Fisher of the Criminal Division, U.S. Attorney Alexander Acosta of the Southern District of Florida, and Deputy Director of the FBI John Pistole.

Earlier today, a superseding indictment was unsealed in federal court in the Southern District of Florida charging Jose Padilla with providing - and conspiring to provide - material support to terrorists, and conspiring to murder individuals who are overseas.

The indictment alleges that Padilla traveled overseas to train as a terrorist with the intention of fighting in “violent jihad” - a short hand term to describe a radical Islamic fundamentalist ideology that advocates using physical force and violence to oppose governments, institutions, and individuals who do not share their view of Islam. These groups routinely engage in acts of physical violence such as murder, maiming, kidnapping, and hostage-taking against innocent civilians.

Mr. Padilla is now a new co-defendant - along with Canadian national Kassem Daher - in a criminal prosecution that previously charged defendants Adham Hassoun, Mohomed Youssef, and Kifah Jayyousi with terrorism-related crimes. All of these defendants are alleged members of a violent terrorist support cell that operated in the United States and Canada. As you know, under our criminal justice system all defendants are presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty.

As alleged in the indictment, this cell supported terrorists by sending money, physical assets, and new recruits to overseas jihad conflicts. These defendants also allegedly took steps to disguise their fundraising and recruitment activities by speaking in code and using non-Governmental organizations as a front for illegitimate activities.

As outlined in the indictment, Mr. Padilla was one of the individuals recruited by this terrorist support cell to fight in violent jihad overseas. With the assistance of co-defendant Hassoun and others, Mr. Padilla allegedly left the United States in September 1998 and traveled overseas for that purpose, where he met up with co-defendant Youssef in Egypt. While overseas, Mr. Padilla continued to advise and seek assistance from co-defendant Hassoun in the United States, as he sought to obtain the necessary training to pursue these violent jihad activities. The indictment specifically alleges that, as part of the conspiracy, Mr. Padilla filled out a terrorist training camp application form in July 2000 in preparation for his violent jihad training in Afghanistan and, shortly thereafter in September 2000, was reported to have arrived in Afghanistan by his co-conspirators.

The criminal case brought against these defendants will involve the use of declassified Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act - or FISA - intercepts that chronicle jihad recruitment in the United States and travel overseas for the purposes of fighting violent jihad.

The Department of Justice is prosecuting this case in part because prosecutors and law enforcement agents were able to share information and use declassified FISA material from a multi-district intelligence investigation under the provisions of the USA PATRIOT Act. By tearing down the artificial wall that would have prevented this kind of investigation in the past, we’re able to bring terrorists to justice. President Bush has directed his administration to utilize all available tools to protect America from acts of terrorism. This case, which began as an intelligence investigation, is a classic example of why the criminal justice system is one of those important tools. This investigation has been underway for quite a while now - and has resulted in charges against Padilla, which he will now face in a court of law. If convicted of these charges, he could face a sentence of life in prison.

Before answering a few questions, I’d like to thank Assistant Attorney General Fisher, U.S. Attorney Acosta, and the team of prosecutors handling this case: Russell Killinger, Stephanie Pell, Brian Frazier, and Julia Paylor. I also want to thank the many investigators from the Department of Justice, the FBI, ICE, and ATF for their work on this case - and their continued determination to help protect Americans from the threat of terrorism.

Thank you.

### Washington, DC, November 22, 2005

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President to Welcome Austrian Chancellor Wolfgang Schuessel

President to Welcome Austrian Chancellor Wolfgang Schuessel to the White House

President Bush will meet with the Chancellor of the Republic of Austria, Wolfgang Schuessel, at the White House on December 8, 2005. The President looks forward to discussing the Chancellor's upcoming Presidency of the European Council and the way ahead for transatlantic cooperation. The United States will work closely with Austria to enhance the cooperation between the United States and the European Union on the global challenges we face together, including advancing freedom and democracy, increasing prosperity and economic development, and fighting terrorism around the world.

# # # For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 23, 2005

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President Pardons "Marshmallow and Yam" (VIDEO)

President Pardons "Marshmallow and Yam" in Annual Turkey Ceremony, FULL STREAMING VIDEO, Presidential Hall, Dwight D. Eisenhower Executive Office Building 1:11 P.M. EST

President George W. Bush invites the children of Clarksville Elementary School on stage to pet 'Marshmallow,' the National Thanksgiving Turkey, during the Tuesday, November 22, 2005 pardoning ceremony,

held in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building in Washington. White House photo by Shealah Craighead.

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Welcome to the White House. Thank you for coming this afternoon. It's a pleasure to be able to introduce you, soon, to the National Thanksgiving Turkey. His name is Marshmallow. (Laughter.) The alternative turkey's name is Yam. (Laughter.) He's around here somewhere. He's not going to be in this room. He's in a pickup truck hanging out by the South Lawn. (Laughter.)

This is what we call -- the White House is called the people's house, and we're going to call Marshmallow and Yam the people's turkeys. They made it here through a democratic process. There was a nationwide election on the White House website. In the end, the voters made the choice, and it was a close election. You might say it was neck and neck. (Laughter.)

I'm going to grant a pardon this afternoon, and the pardon I grant comes with a new measure of responsibility and fame for Marshmallow and Yam. In the past years, the turkeys I spared went on to lead lives of leisure at Frying Pan Park in the state of Virginia. This year is going to be a little different. Marshmallow and Yam were a little skeptical about going to a place called "Frying Pan Park." I don't blame them. So I'm proud to announce that Marshmallow and Yam will serve as honorary grand marshals at Disneyland's Thanksgiving Day Parade. And they'll go on to spend the rest of their natural lives at Disneyland.

The granting of the turkey pardon is not a responsibility that I take lightly, and I want to thank all of those who helped plan today's event. I appreciate the efforts of those of you from the National Turkey Federation, especially Chairman Pete Rothfork and President Alice Johnson. Welcome. Glad you all are here. I want to thank James and Vicki Trites from Trites Farm in Henning, Minnesota. Where are they, the Trites? There they are, right there. Welcome. Thanks for coming. I know that Marshmallow and Yam are going to feel pretty good strutting around sunny California, remembering the cold days of Minnesota. (Laughter.) Glad you all are here.

We've also got some other special guests in the audience who exemplify the spirit of Thanksgiving. And those are the students from Clarksville Elementary School, from Clarksville, Maryland. Anybody here from Clarksville Elementary? Welcome. We're glad you're here. Thanks for coming. These students raised more than $17,000 for the Red Cross fund to benefit Hurricane Katrina victims. Thanks a lot for your hard work in helping somebody else.

They're here with the assistant principal, Amy Green. I suspect some teachers and parents are here with them. Thank you all for teaching. Thanks for being good parents. Their compassion and dedication show the good heart of our country. And I'm proud you all are here at the White House.

Thanksgiving is a holiday rooted in the American spirit of gratitude and sharing. We see this spirit in America today. When the communities along the Gulf Coast were devastated by Hurricane Katrina, Americans came together to provide help for their neighbors in need. It was a remarkable outpouring of compassion and generosity. That outpouring of compassion demonstrated once again that the great strength of our country lies in the hearts and souls of our citizens.

We also give thanks on Thanksgiving for our many blessings, and we thank those who are far away from home who protect our freedoms. It's through the courage and skill of our Armed Forces that we're safe as a nation, and we're very proud of their service.

We think of our military families who will have an empty seat at the table this Thanksgiving. The American people are thankful for the sacrifice of the American military families, as well. America's men and women in uniform and their families have our gratitude -- not only on Thanksgiving, but on every day.

Our guest of honor seems about ready to come on in and say hello. So without further ado, I grant Marshmallow and Yam a presidential pardon. In the meantime, may God bless you all and your families during this Thanksgiving season.

END 1:17 P.M. EST, For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 22, 2005

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First Anniversary of the Orange Revolution

Presidential Message: First Anniversary of the Orange Revolution

I send greetings to those celebrating the first anniversary of the Orange Revolution.

One year ago today, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian citizens stood up to defend democracy in their homeland. Through great courage and determination, they showed the world that the love of liberty is stronger than the will of tyranny. Last year's revolution was a powerful example of freedom and democracy in action and an inspiration to those aspiring for freedom in their own land.

Ukraine's leadership now faces an historic opportunity and has an historic responsibility to fulfill the promise of the Orange Revolution and continue to transform Ukraine into a fully democratic state. The United States will continue to support the efforts of President Viktor Yushchenko in advancing a democratic, prosperous, and secure Ukraine, and America is proud to call Ukraine a friend.

Laura and I send our best wishes on this special occasion.

GEORGE W. BUSH

# # # For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 22, 2005

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Annual pardoning of the National Turkey

President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney participate in the annual pardoning of the National Turkey in the Rose Garden Nov. 17, 2004. This year's ceremony will take place on Tuesday, Nov. 22, 2005

This year marks the 58th anniversary of the National Thanksgiving Turkey presentation. Though live Thanksgiving turkeys have been presented intermittently to presidents since the Lincoln administration, the current ceremony dates to 1947, when the first National Thanksgiving Turkey was presented to President Harry Truman.

The presentation at times has brushed against broader history. For example, the November 1963 event was one of President Kennedy's last in the Rose Garden. The first President Bush conducted the 1990 ceremony just before leaving for Thanksgiving with the troops in the Persian Gulf region. President Clinton in 1996 returned from an Asian summit and literally went directly to the ceremony.

The 2005 National Thanksgiving Turkey and its alternate are from Henning, Minnesota and were raised under the direction of National Turkey Federation Chairman Pete Rothfork. Mr. Rothfork delegated the day-to-day responsibilities to James and Vicki Trites of Henning. The birds are commercial turkeys used in normal industry production, and they were raised using the same techniques as other commercial birds. They were fed a regular diet of corn and soybean meal and were provided a continuous supply of fresh water.

A few minor modifications were made to prepare the birds for the National Thanksgiving Turkey presentation. About 30 turkeys were removed from the normal commercial production flock and are being raised separately on the Trites farm. The birds are periodically hand fed and given additional interaction with people in an effort to acclimate them.

Presidents traditionally have granted the National Thanksgiving Turkey a "pardon". For the past 15 years, the National Thanksgiving Turkeys and their alternates have been retired to Frying Pan Park in Fairfax County, Virginia. The farm is a 1930s-era replica farm operated by the Fairfax County Parks Department.

This year, after the presentation, the National Turkey and its alternate will be taken to Disneyland Resort and Theme Park in Anaheim, California to be a part of the holiday display and where they will stay the remainder of their natural lives. Both the turkeys will serve as honorary Grand Marshals for Disneyland’s annual Thanksgiving Day Parade.

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The Bushes in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia

President Bush and Laura Bush join Mongolian President Nambaryn Enkhbayar and his wife, Onongiin Tsolmon, as they wave to spectators Monday, Nov. 21, 2005, during welcoming ceremonies for the Bushes in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. White House photo by Paul Morse.

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Vice President's Remarks on the War on Terror (VIDEO)

Vice President's Remarks on the War on Terror, American Enterprise Institute, FULL STREAMING VIDEO, Washington, D.C. 11:01 A.M. EST

Vice President Dick Cheney delivers his remarks on the war on terror, arguing against a withdrawl from Iraq, during a speech, Monday Nov. 21, 2005, to the American Enterprise Institute. White House photo by David Bohrer.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Good morning, and thank you all very much. And thank you, Chris. It's great to be back at AEI. Both Lynne and I have a long history with the American Enterprise Institute, and we value the association, and even more, we value the friendships that have come from our time here. And I want to thank all of you for coming this morning and for your welcome.

My remarks today concern national security, in particular the war on terror and the Iraq front in that war. Several days ago, I commented briefly on some recent statements that have been made by some members of Congress about Iraq. Within hours of my speech, a report went out on the wires under the headline, "Cheney says war critics 'dishonest,' 'reprehensible.'"

One thing I've learned in the last five years is that when you're Vice President, you're lucky if your speeches get any attention at all. But I do have a quarrel with that headline, and it's important to make this point at the outset. I do not believe it is wrong to criticize the war on terror or any aspect thereof. Disagreement, argument, and debate are the essence of democracy, and none of us should want it any other way. For my part, I've spent a career in public service, run for office eight times -- six statewide offices and twice nationally. I served in the House of Representatives for better than a decade, most of that time as a member of the leadership of the minority party. To me, energetic debate on issues facing our country is more than just a sign of a healthy political system -- it's also something I enjoy. It's one of the reasons I've stayed in this business. And I believe the feeling is probably the same for most of us in public life.

For those of us who don't mind debating, there's plenty to keep us busy these days, and it's not likely to change any time soon. On the question of national security, feelings run especially strong, and there are deeply held differences of opinion on how best to protect the United States and our friends against the dangers of our time. Recently my friend and former colleague Jack Murtha called for a complete withdrawal of American forces now serving in Iraq, with a drawdown to begin at once. I disagree with Jack and believe his proposal would not serve the best interests of this nation. But he's a good man, a Marine, a patriot -- and he's taking a clear stand in an entirely legitimate discussion.

Nor is there any problem with debating whether the United States and our allies should have liberated Iraq in the first place. Here, as well, the differing views are very passionately and forcefully stated. But nobody is saying we should not be having this discussion, or that you cannot reexamine a decision made by the President and the Congress some years ago. To the contrary, I believe it is critical that we continue to remind ourselves why this nation took action, and why Iraq is the central front in the war on terror, and why we have a duty to persevere.

What is not legitimate -- and what I will again say is dishonest and reprehensible -- is the suggestion by some U. S. senators that the President of the United States or any member of his administration purposely misled the American people on pre-war intelligence.

Some of the most irresponsible comments have come from politicians who actually voted in favor of authorizing the use of force against Saddam Hussein. These are elected officials who had access to the intelligence materials. They are known to have a high opinion of their own analytical capabilities. (Laughter.) And they were free to reach their own judgments based upon the evidence. They concluded, as the President and I had concluded, and as the previous administration had concluded, that Saddam Hussein was a threat. Available intelligence indicated that the dictator of Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, and this judgment was shared by the intelligence agencies of many other nations, according to the bipartisan Silberman-Robb Commission. All of us understood, as well, that for more than a decade, the U.N. Security Council had demanded that Saddam Hussein make a full accounting of his weapons programs. The burden of proof was entirely on the dictator of Iraq -- not on the U.N. or the United States or anyone else. And he repeatedly refused to comply throughout the course of the decade.

Permit me to burden you with a bit more history: In August of 1998, the U.S. Congress passed a resolution urging President Clinton take "appropriate action" to compel Saddam to come into compliance with his obligations to the Security Council. Not a single senator voted no. Two months later, in October of '98 -- again, without a single dissenting vote in the United States Senate -- the Congress passed the Iraq Liberation Act. It explicitly adopted as American policy supporting efforts to remove Saddam Hussein's regime from power and promoting an Iraqi democracy in its place. And just two months after signing the Iraq Liberation law, President Clinton ordered that Iraq be bombed in an effort to destroy facilities that he believed were connected to Saddam's weapons of mass destruction programs.

By the time Congress voted to authorize force in late 2002, there was broad-based, bipartisan agreement that the time had come to enforce the legitimate demands of the international community. And our thinking was informed by what had happened to our country on the morning of September 11th, 2001. As the prime target of terrorists who have shown an ability to hit America and who wish to do so in spectacular fashion, we have a responsibility to do everything we can to keep terrible weapons out of the hands of these enemies. And we must hold to account regimes that could supply those weapons to terrorists in defiance of the civilized world. As the President has said, "Terrorists and terror states do not reveal ... threats with fair notice, in formal declarations -- and responding to such enemies only after they have struck first is not self-defense, it is suicide."

In a post-9/11 world, the President and Congress of the United States declined to trust the word of a dictator who had a history of weapons of mass destruction programs, who actually used weapons of mass destruction against innocent civilians in his own country, who tried to assassinate a former President of the United States, who was routinely shooting at allied pilots trying to enforce no fly zones, who had excluded weapons inspectors, who had defied the demands of the international community, whose regime had been designated an official state sponsor of terror, and who had committed mass murder. Those are the facts.

Although our coalition has not found WMD stockpiles in Iraq, I repeat that we never had the burden of proof; Saddam Hussein did. We operated on the best available intelligence, gathered over a period of years from within a totalitarian society ruled by fear and secret police. We also had the experience of the first Gulf War -- when the intelligence community had seriously underestimated the extent and progress Saddam had made toward developing nuclear weapons.

Finally, according to the Duelfer report, Saddam Hussein wanted to preserve the capability to reconstitute his weapons of mass destruction when sanctions were lifted. And we now know that the sanctions regime had lost its effectiveness and been totally undermined by Saddam Hussein's successful effort to corrupt the Oil for Food program.

The flaws in the intelligence are plain enough in hindsight, but any suggestion that prewar information was distorted, hyped, or fabricated by the leader of the nation is utterly false. Senator John McCain put it best: "It is a lie to say that the President lied to the American people."

American soldiers and Marines serving in Iraq go out every day into some of the most dangerous and unpredictable conditions. Meanwhile, back in the United States, a few politicians are suggesting these brave Americans were sent into battle for a deliberate falsehood. This is revisionism of the most corrupt and shameless variety. It has no place anywhere in American politics, much less in the United States Senate.

One might also argue that untruthful charges against the Commander-in-Chief have an insidious effect on the war effort itself. I'm unwilling to say that, only because I know the character of the United States Armed Forces -- men and women who are fighting the war on terror in Iraq, Afghanistan, and many other fronts. They haven't wavered in the slightest, and their conduct should make all Americans proud. They are absolutely relentless in their duties, and they are carrying out their missions with all the skill and the honor we expect of them. I think of the ones who put on heavy gear and work 12-hour shifts in the desert heat. Every day they are striking the enemy -- conducting raids, training up Iraqi forces, countering attacks, seizing weapons, and capturing killers. Americans appreciate our fellow citizens who go out on long deployments and endure the hardship of separation from home and family. We care about those who have returned with injuries, and who face the long, hard road of recovery. And our nation grieves for the men and women whose lives have ended in freedom's cause

The people who serve in uniform, and their families, can be certain: that their cause is right and just and necessary, and we will stand behind them with pride and without wavering until the day of victory.

The men and women on duty in this war are serving the highest ideals of this nation -- our belief in freedom and justice, equality, and the dignity of the individual. And they are serving the vital security interests of the United States. There is no denying that the work is difficult and there is much yet to do. Yet we can harbor no illusions about the nature of this enemy, or the ambitions it seeks to achieve.

In the war on terror we face a loose network of committed fanatics, found in many countries, operating under different commanders. Yet the branches of this network share the same basic ideology and the same dark vision for the world. The terrorists want to end American and Western influence in the Middle East. Their goal in that region is to gain control of the country, so they have a base from which to launch attacks and to wage war against governments that do not meet their demands. For a time, the terrorists had such a base in Afghanistan, under the backward and violent rule of the Taliban. And the terrorists hope to overturn Iraq's democratic government and return that country to the rule of tyrants. The terrorists believe that by controlling an entire country, they will be able to target and overthrow other governments in the region, and to establish a radical Islamic empire that encompasses a region from Spain, across North Africa, through the Middle East and South Asia, all the way to Indonesia. They have made clear, as well, their ultimate ambitions: to arm themselves with weapons of mass destruction, to destroy Israel, to intimidate all Western countries, and to cause mass death in the United States.

Some have suggested that by liberating Iraq from Saddam Hussein, we simply stirred up a hornet's nest. They overlook a fundamental fact: We were not in Iraq on September 11th, 2001 -- and the terrorists hit us anyway. The reality is that terrorists were at war with our country long before the liberation of Iraq, and long before the attacks of 9/11. And for many years, they were the ones on the offensive. They grew bolder in the belief that if they killed Americans, they could change American policy. In Beirut in 1983, terrorists killed 241 of our service men. Thereafter, the United States withdrew from Beirut. In Mogadishu in 1993, terrorists killed 19 American soldiers. Thereafter, the U.S. withdrew its forces from Somalia. Over time, the terrorists concluded that they could strike America without paying a price, because they did, repeatedly: the bombing at the World Trade Center in 1993, the murders at the Saudi National Guard Training Center in Riyadh in 1995, the Khobar Towers in 1996, the simultaneous bombings of American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, and, of course, the bombing of the USS Cole in 2000.

Believing they could strike us with impunity and that they could change U.S. policy, they attacked us on 9/11 here in the homeland, killing 3,000 people. Now they are making a stand in Iraq -- testing our resolve, trying to intimidate the United States into abandoning our friends and permitting the overthrow of this new Middle Eastern democracy. Recently we obtained a message from the number-two man in al Qaeda, Mr. Zawahiri, that he sent to his chief deputy in Iraq, the terrorist Zarqawi. The letter makes clear that Iraq is part of a larger plan of imposing Islamic radicalism across the broader Middle East -- making Iraq a terrorist haven and a staging ground for attacks against other nations. Zawahiri also expresses the view that America can be made to run again.

In light of the commitments our country has made, and given the stated intentions of the enemy, those who advocate a sudden withdrawal from Iraq should answer a few simple questions: Would the United States and other free nations be better off, or worse off, with Zarqawi, bin Laden, and Zawahiri in control of Iraq? Would we be safer, or less safe, with Iraq ruled by men intent on the destruction of our country?

It is a dangerous illusion to suppose that another retreat by the civilized world would satisfy the appetite of the terrorists and get them to leave us alone. In fact such a retreat would convince the terrorists that free nations will change our policies, forsake our friends, abandon our interests whenever we are confronted with murder and blackmail. A precipitous withdrawal from Iraq would be a victory for the terrorists, an invitation to further violence against free nations, and a terrible blow to the future security of the United States of America.

So much self-defeating pessimism about Iraq comes at a time of real progress in that country. Coalition forces are making decisive strikes against terrorist strongholds, and more and more they are doing so with Iraqi forces at their side. There are more than 90 Iraqi army battalions fighting the terrorists, along with our forces. On the political side, every benchmark has been met successfully -- starting with the turnover of sovereignty more than a year ago, the national elections last January, the drafting of the constitution and its ratification by voters just last month, and, a few weeks from now, the election of a new government under that new constitution.

The political leaders of Iraq are steady and courageous, and the citizens, police and soldiers of that country have proudly stepped forward as active participants and guardians in a new democracy -- running for office, speaking out, voting and sacrificing for their country. Iraqi citizens are doing all of this despite threats from terrorists who offer no political agenda for Iraq's future, and wage a campaign of mass slaughter against the Iraqi people themselves -- the vast majority of whom are fellow Arabs and fellow Muslims.

Day after day, Iraqis are proving their determination to live in freedom, to chart their own destiny, and to defend their own country. And they can know that the United States will keep our commitment to them. We will continue the work of reconstruction. Our forces will keep going after the terrorists, and continue training the Iraqi military, so that Iraqis can eventually take the lead in their country's security and our men and women can come home. We will succeed in this mission, and when it is concluded, we will be a safer nation.

Wartime conditions are, in every case, a test of military skill and national resolve. But this is especially true in the war on terror. Four years ago, President Bush told Congress and the country that the path ahead would be difficult, that we were heading into a long struggle, unlike any we have known. All this has come to pass. We have faced, and are facing today, enemies who hate us, hate our country, and hate the liberties for which we stand. They dwell in the shadows, wear no uniform, have no regard for the laws of warfare, and feel unconstrained by any standard of morality. We've never had a fight like this, and the Americans who go into the fight are among the bravest citizens this nation has ever produced. All who have labored in this cause can be proud of their service for the rest of their lives.

The terrorists lack any capacity to inspire the hearts of good men and women. And their only chance for victory is for us to walk away from the fight. They have contempt for our values, they doubt our strength, and they believe that America will lose our nerve and let down our guard. But this nation has made a decision: We will not retreat in the face of brutality, and we will never live at the mercy of tyrants or terrorists.

None of us can know every turn that lies ahead for America in the fight against terror. And because we are Americans, we are going to keep discussing the conduct and the progress of this war and having debates about strategy. Yet the direction of events is plain to see, and this period of struggle and testing should also be seen as a time of promise. The United States of America is a good country, a decent country, and we are making the world a better place by defending the innocent, confronting the violent, and bringing freedom to the oppressed. We understand the continuing dangers to civilization, and we have the resources, the strength, and the moral courage to overcome those dangers and lay the foundations for a better world.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

END 11:20 A.M. EST, For Immediate Release, Office of the Vice President, November 21, 2005

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Relared: Thursday, November 17, 2005 Vice President's Remarks 11/16/05, Monday, October 31, 2005 Vice President appointed David S. Addington chief of staff, Saturday, October 29, 2005 Vice President's Statement on Libby Resignation, Friday, October 28, 2005 Resignation of Scooter Libby (VIDEO, Tuesday, October 04, 2005 Remarks by the Vice President to Second Marine Expeditionary Force, Monday, September 26, 2005 Statement on Vice President Cheney's Medical Procedure, Tuesday, September 06, 2005 President Meets with Cabinet (VIDEO), Thursday, August 11, 2005 President Meets with Defense and Foreign Policy Teams (VIDEO), Tuesday, July 26, 2005 Vice President at Dinner for Vito Fossella, Saturday, July 09, 2005 President, VP Signs Book of Condolence at British Embassy, Thursday, May 12, 2005 Vice President, A Nation Honors Nancy Reagan, Saturday, April 16, 2005 Vice President Dick Cheney and Mrs. Cheney Release 2004 Income Tax Return

Elite women brewed a beer-like drink

Burning down the brewery, Elite women brewed a beer-like drink at ancient Wari site – the first diplomatic outpost between Andean empires

Cerro Baúl summit, The brewery, palace and high-status residences were excavated on the formidable summit of Cerro Baúl in southern Peru, 10,000 feet above sea level. Photo by P. R. Williams, Courtesy of The Field Museum

CHICAGO--An extensive Wari imperial outpost on the top of a sacred mountain in what is now southern Peru was ceremoniously evacuated and partially burned to the ground 1,000 years ago, Field Museum archaeologists and their colleagues from the University of Florida and the Contisuyo Museum in Peru report in the next issue of the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

The last building to be torched as the Cerro Baúl colony was abandoned was a sophisticated brewery with a 1,800-liter capacity – no micro-brewery, even for its time.

The elaborate abandonment of the colony began with the brewing of a final batch of chicha, a fermented alcoholic drink that played a central role in the Wari culture. A week later, the residents drank the chicha in an extensive feast and ceremony. As a sacrifice to the gods, the colony's religious and political leaders threw 28 precious ceramic vessels into the conflagration – presumably after quaffing the brew.

"Chicha, which is often made from maize, was at the heart of this culture, and this is one of the oldest and largest pre-Inca breweries ever discovered in the Americas," said Patrick Ryan Williams, Curator of Anthropology at The Field Museum and co-author of the research report. "Our analyses indicate that this specialty brew was a high-class affair. Corn and Peruvian pepper-tree berries were used to make the beer, which was drunk from elaborate beakers up to half a gallon in volume."

Chicha was so important to the Wari that it was brewed by a group of select, high-status women. Archaeologists were able to conclude this from the large number of shawl pins found in the three-room brewery – but conspicuously absent from other areas of the expansive ruins.

These elite brewmistresses were probably selected for their beauty or nobility. The Inca, who followed in the Wari's footsteps, continued this practice centuries later: Their chicha was also brewed by an elite class of women who were cloistered in "houses of chosen women."

"In Inca society, wealth and power depended on the knowledge and skill of elite women," said Donna Nash, Adjunct Curator at The Field Museum, Adjunct Professor at the University of Illinois at Chicago and co-author of the report.

Inca gatherings large and small, sacred and politically crucial, depended on the exchange of valued gifts and the hospitality of the emperor, especially on offering copious amounts of chicha, she explained. The chosen women and other Incan royalty produced fine shirts elaborated with heraldic symbols of state office and social rank, the most prestigious of all gifts. They also brewed the beer.

"Without cloth and beer, these ancient empires could not have functioned," Nash said. Therefore, women were crucial to the ancient empires of the south-central Andes."

The researchers report on their findings in "Burning down the brewery: Establishing and evacuating an ancient imperial colony at Cerro Baúl, Peru," an embargoed research report to be published on-line Nov. 14 in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. It will be the cover story in the subsequent print version of PNAS

The lead author is Michael Moseley, Distinguished Professor at the University of Florida, Gainesville, as well as Research Associate and former Curator at The Field Museum.

"There are lots of other imperial Wari sites, but they are all plunked down in the wide open flat land. This is the only one that's high on a mountain," Moseley said.

Remote, formidable site

Cerro Baúl is a mesa more than 8,000 feet above sea level that is dominated by an intimidating summit rising 2,000 feet above the mesa. In 600 A.D., the Wari chose this natural bastion as a base for an imperial settlement, but it was not been occupied before or since because it is so difficult to carry water and supplies up the treacherously steep inclines of the summit.

In fact, the Wari settled here precisely because it is such a formidable, impractical location. The tough living conditions there made a colony easy to defend and sure to impress the neighbors, according to the authors.

Those neighbors were the rival Tiwanaku, who reigned to the south in what is now Bolivia. These two major contemporaneous empires usually kept their distance. Elsewhere, they were separated by a buffer zone of at least 60 miles.

At Cerro Baúl, however, the Wari apparently decided to establish a foothold deep inside the territory controlled by the Tiwanaku to serve as a point of contact for political relations. That makes this the oldest known diplomatic outpost between any Andean states. It survived four centuries. "These were frontier outposts, facing off, but with very little contact," Moseley said. "The Wari and the Tiwanaku are not borrowing anything from each other, even though we find artifacts brought in from other cultures thousands of miles away."

The politics of international relations in South America began at Cerro Baúl 1,500 years ago, Williams said. "There is a lot we can learn from this site about how expansive states interact with each other and about the nature of human diplomacy," said Williams, who specializes in the anthropology of South America and the use of chemical and geophysical science in archaeology.

Class-conscious culture

Cerro Baúl, with a population of less than 1,000, was the Wari's southern most colony. It also extended over two neighboring hills, Cerro Mejia and Cerro Petroglifo, and relied on an impressive system of irrigation canals to bring water from the neighboring Torata River. The colony, which survived 400 years, was inhabited by three classes of people: commoners, mostly farmers and herders; supporting artisans, technicians and religious specialists; and a hierarchical class of governing nobles.

The quality and quantity of material possessions, housing, food, dining ware and other items – including chicha – varied by the class and rank of the people. By studying what was found where among the site's extensive ruins, archaeologists have been able to reconstruct what life must have been like for these people more than 1,000 years ago.

For example, only nobles and leaders drank chicha from pottery vessels decorated with an image of the culture's paramount deity, the "Front-Facing God." Although these vessels were smashed on "moving day," some of them have been reconstructed from the broken pieces. In addition to the brewery, an opulent palace was burned to the ground – but only after an opulent banquet of deer, llama or alpaca, and seven types of ocean fish. Condor, pygmy owls and flycatchers were probably sacrificed at the banquet. Smashed serving and dining ware litter this site, too. Temples around the base of Cerro Baúl suggest that the Wari viewed the mountaintop as a sacred place.

### Public release date: 14-Nov-2005 Contact: Greg Borzo gborzo@fieldmuseum.org 312-665-7106 Field Museum

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