Statement on Congolese Elections

Statement on Congolese Elections

The United States commends the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo on the completion of presidential run-off and provincial elections. We congratulate President Kabila on his victory in the run-off election and urge all parties to uphold the ruling by the Congolese Supreme Court.

Despite enormous logistical difficulties complicated by torrential rain, the voting process was peaceful and turnout was high. While noting some problems, international observers deemed that the electoral results successfully represent the will of the Congolese people. We applaud the supporting role played by the United Nations, South Africa, African Union, and European Union.

The United States stands with the Congolese people on this landmark occasion and will support their continued efforts to build a prosperous democracy.

# # # For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 29, 2006

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Congolese Elections and Democratic Republic of the Congo or President Kabila and Congolese Supreme Court or United Nations and South Africa or African Union and European Union

President Bush, Prime Minister Maliki 11/30/06

President Bush Participates in Joint Press Availability with Prime Minister Maliki of Iraq, FULL STREAMING VIDEO, Joint Statement by the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Iraq, and Renewal in Iraq or In Focus: Global Diplomacy, Four Seasons Hotel Amman, Amman, Jordan, 9:43 A.M. (Local)

PRESIDENT BUSH: Good morning. It's good to be in Amman. I first want to thank His Majesty King Abdullah for his gracious hospitality.

Prime Minister Maliki and I just had a very productive meeting. This is the third time we've met since he took office six months ago, and with each meeting I'm coming to know him better.

He's a strong leader who wants a free and democratic Iraq to succeed. The United States is determined to help him achieve that goal.

I told the Prime Minister we're ready to make changes to better support the unity government of Iraq, and that certain key principles behind our strategy remain firm and they're fixed.

First, we believe the success of Prime Minister Maliki's government is critical to the success in Iraq. His government was chosen by the Iraqi people through free elections in which nearly 12 million people defied terrorists to cast their ballots. I've told the Prime Minister that our goal in Iraq is to strengthen his government and to support his efforts to build a free Iraq that can govern itself, sustain itself, and defend itself, and is an ally in the war against the terrorists.

Secondly, the success of the Iraqi government depends on the success of the Iraqi security forces. During our meetings, the Prime Minister and I heard an update from an important group,/td>

that our government established last month: the Joint Committee on Accelerating the Transferring of Security Responsibility. We agreed on the importance of speeding up the training of Iraqi security forces. Our goal is to ensure that the Prime Minister has more capable forces under his control so his government can fight the terrorists and the death squads, and provide security and stability in his country.

Third, success in Iraq requires a united Iraq where democracy is preserved, the rule of law prevails, and minority rights are respected.

The Prime Minister made clear that splitting his country into parts, as some have suggested, is not what the Iraqi people want, and that any partition of Iraq would only lead to an increase in sectarian violence. I agree. In the long-term, security in Iraq requires reconciliation among Iraq's different ethnic and religious communities, something the overwhelming majority of Iraqis want.

The Prime Minister and I also discussed the review of our strategy in Iraq that is now nearing completion. I assured the Prime Minister that our review is aimed at strengthening the capacity of the sovereign government

of Iraq to meet their objectives, which we share. As part of the review, I've asked our military leaders in the Pentagon and those on the ground in Iraq to provide their recommendations on the best way forward.

Others outside the government are conducting their own review, and I look forward to hearing their recommendations. I want to hear all advice before I make my decisions about adjustments to our strategy and tactics in Iraq to help this government succeed.

My consultations with the Prime Minister and the unity government are a key part of the assessment process. And that's why I appreciate him coming over from Iraq so that we could have a face-to-face visit. The Prime Minister and I agree that the outcome in Iraq will affect the entire region. To stop the extremists from dominating the Middle East, we must stop the extremists from achieving their goal of dominating Iraq. If the extremists succeed in Iraq, they will be emboldened in their efforts to undermine other young democracies in the region, or to overthrow moderate governments, establish new safe havens, and impose their hateful ideology on millions. If the Iraqis succeed in establishing a free nation in the heart of the Middle East, the forces of freedom and moderation across the region will be emboldened, and the cause of peace will have new energy and new allies.

Mr. Prime Minister, I want to thank you again for your time. I appreciate your friendship, and I appreciate the courage you show during these difficult times as you lead your country.

PRIME MINISTER MALIKI: (As translated.) Thank you. In the name of God. In the beginning, I would like to thank King Abdullah for hosting this meeting. And I would also like to thank the President of the United States for his response and for the role that he has shown in dealing most positively with all the files that we've discussed.

And I would like, during this occasion as we leave this transitional stage, we have won initially when we have accomplished democracy in Iraq and when we give Iraq the permanent constitution and the parliament and the unity government. And all these are victories that are victories with the principles that we believe in. And therefore, these victories were our decision not to let those who would like to tamper with the fates of the region, or those who oppose democracy to win, so that the despotic regime comes back. And Iraq will never be a safe haven for terrorists who are trying to spread darkness instead of light, the light that started in Mesopotamia.

We have many visions and many ideas about the transformation process and we are determined to succeed in the face of all the challenges that we believe are probably -- should exist in a situation such as the situation that Iraq is going through. These are not outrageous challenges. There are criminals, there are people who are breaking the law. But the steel strength of the national unity government would help us face all those who are breaking the law, or those who are trying to take down democracy in Iraq, or those who are conspiring and trying to have coups or basically bring down the national unity government.

We are active with anybody who are working within the framework of the constitution. Because we established the constitution, we'll abide by it, we'll protect it, and we'll be protected by it. We assure everybody that we are in alliance with the international community in facing all the challenges that the world is facing. And foremost of those challenges is terrorism. Terrorism is not a danger only to Iraq, it's a culture, it's an ideology. The whole civilized world must face it as one line, one unit. Some people might not understand the successes that we have as we daily face terrorism in Iraq and as the security forces in Iraq chase them down, arrest them. This is solid strength based on our vision, and our vision is that terrorism, terroristic ideology, extremism, sectarianism are all issues that will rob humans from happiness.

We are ready to cooperate with everybody who believe that they need to communicate with the national unity government, especially our neighbors. Our doors are open, and our desire is strong that between us and our neighbors, we will have strong relationships based on mutual respect and staying away from everybody's internal business. Iraq is for Iraqis, and its borders will be sound and will not allow anybody to violate these borders or interfere in our internal affairs.

So everybody who is trying to make Iraq their own influences appear on the account of the Iraqi people needs to recalculate for it will not happen. And all the political forces in Iraq have agreed on that. They want to form a very strong political base to support the national unity government. We have visions in Iraq, and we are at the steps of transformation into a new stage where we'll have security plans that we believe will be effective and will deliver what is required.

In Iraq, we don't only deal with terrorism. We're dealing with building a whole state in all its aspects -- political, economic, security, militarily -- and all these are signs of maturity that are now very obvious in Iraq. And we hope that they will be complemented and supported by the international community and by our neighbors, who I hope that will be supportive not only for the benefit of Iraq, for the benefit of those countries, as well.

PRESIDENT BUSH: We will take a couple of questions. Abramowitz.

Q Mr. President, the memo from your National Security Advisor has raised the possibility the United States should press Prime Minister Maliki to break with Moqtada al-Sadr. Is this, in fact, your strategy? And did you raise this issue with the Prime Minister this morning?

And to the Prime Minister, I'd like to ask, the President's Advisor has said that a central problem in Iraq is your close alliance with Mr. al-Sadr, and did you make any representations to the President that you would break with al-Sadr, and could your government survive such a break?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I will let the Prime Minister talk about his relations with al-Sadr. I will tell you that he and I spent a lot of time talking about the security situation inside of Iraq. I expressed my concern about the security situation; he expressed his concern about the security situation. After all, one of his most important jobs is to provide security for the Iraqi people. Part of the Prime Minister's frustration is, is that he doesn't have the tools necessary to take care of those who break the law.

I was reassured by his commitment to a pluralistic society that is politically united, and a society in which people are held to account if they break the law -- whether those people be criminals, al Qaeda, militia, whoever.

He discussed with me his political situation, and I think it is best that he talk to you about the Sadr group or any other group he wants to talk about inside of Iraq.

PRIME MINISTER MALIKI: Matter of fact, my coalition is not with only one entity. The national unity government is a government formed of all the entities that participated in it. Therefore, that coalition basically represents a national responsibility.

And Mr. Sadr and the Sadrists are just one component that participate in the parliament or in the government. And I think participating in the government is a responsibility and it's a mutual commitment, and those who participate in this government need to bear responsibilities. And foremost upon those responsibilities is the protection of this government, the protection of the constitution, the protection of the law, not breaking the law.

Therefore, I do not talk about one side at the expense of the other. I'm talking about a state; I'm talking about law; I'm talking about commitments. And this should apply to all the partners in the government who have chosen to participate in the political process.

As to the issues that would pertain to violating the law or breaking the law, we would deal with them the same way, because the most important principle is the sovereignty and the power and the establishment of the state that must be borne by the state, but only our partners should participate in that.

Q Hezbollah has denied that his forces trained Moqtada al-Sadr forces, but do you have any information if Hezbollah has actually trained the forces of Moqtada al-Sadr?

PRIME MINISTER MALIKI: I think they expressed itself and expressed its responsibilities. And one -- another time I would like to say that Iraq and all the Iraqis in the political process; nobody has the right, outside of Iraq, to interfere in the political or the security situation inside of Iraq. We invite everybody to cooperate with us, but as far as this issue related to training, Hezbollah denied and they're responsible for their denial.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Our objective is to help the Maliki government succeed. And today we discussed how to further the success of this government. This is a government that is dedicated to pluralism and rule of law. It's a government elected by the Iraqi people under a constitution approved by the Iraqi people, which, in itself, is an unusual event in the Middle East, by the way.

We talked today about accelerating authority to the Prime Minister so he can do what the Iraqi people expect him to do, and that is bring security to parts of his country that require firm action. It's going to -- the presence of the United States will be in Iraq so long as the government asks us to be in Iraq. This is a sovereign government. I believe that there is more training to be done. I think the Prime Minister agrees with me. I know that we're providing a useful addition to Iraq by chasing down al Qaeda and by securing -- by helping this country protect itself from al Qaeda.

Al Qaeda wants a safe haven in Iraq. Al Qaeda made it clear earlier that suicide bombers would increase sectarian violence. That was part of their strategy. One of our goals is to deny safe haven for al Qaeda in Iraq, and the Maliki government expects us and wants us to provide that vital part of security.

So we'll be in Iraq until the job is complete, at the request of a sovereign government elected by the people. I know there's a lot of speculation that these reports in Washington mean there's going to be some kind of graceful exit out of Iraq. We're going to stay in Iraq to get the job done, so long as the government wants us there.

We want the people of Iraq to live in a free society. It's in our interests. In my judgment, if we were to leave before the job is done, it would only embolden terrorists, it would only embolden the extremists. It would dash the hopes of millions of people who want to live in a free society, just like the 12 million people who voted in the Iraqi election. They want to live in a free society. And we support this government, because the government understands it was elected by the people. And Prime Minister Maliki is working hard to overcome the many obstacles in the way to a peaceful Iraq, and we want to help him.

Let's see -- Martha.

Q Mr. President, is there a time limit on meeting any of these goals for Prime Minister Maliki? And you keep mentioning that the U.S. goal is to fight al Qaeda. Does that mean you believe it's up to the Iraqis to stop the sectarian violence and quell the sectarian violence, and this is something you don't want U.S. troops involved in?

And Prime Minister Maliki, can you tell us why you canceled the meeting last night?

PRESIDENT BUSH: What was the first part of your three-part question? (Laughter.)

Q Time limit on meeting goals. Is there a time limit on meeting goals?

PRESIDENT BUSH: A time limit. As soon as possible. But I'm realistic, because I understand how tough it is inside of Iraq. The Prime Minister is dealing with sectarian violence. The Prime Minister is having to deal with al Qaeda. The Prime Minister is having to deal with criminal elements. And we want to help him.

And, yes, I talked about making sure that al Qaeda doesn't take -- doesn't provide -- gets safe haven in Iraq. Sure, that's an important part of our strategy. But I also have said that the goal is a country that can defend, sustain, and govern itself. And therefore, to the extent that our troops are needed to help do that, we're willing to do that. That's part of the operation in Baghdad. Part of the plan in Baghdad was to prevent -- prevent killers from taking innocent life.

Q Including sectarian violence?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Well that's -- killers taking innocent life is, in some cases, sectarian. I happen to view it as criminal, as well as sectarian. I think any time you murder somebody, you're a criminal. And I believe a just society and a society of -- that holds people to account and believes in rule of law protects innocent people from murderers, no matter what their political party is.

And I discussed this with the Prime Minister, and I don't want to put words in his mouth, but I received a satisfactory answer about the need to protect innocent life. And that's exactly what our troops have been doing, along with the Iraqis. My plan, and his plan, is to accelerate the Iraqis' responsibility. See, here's a man who has been elected by the people; the people expect him to respond, and he doesn't have the capacity to respond. And so we want to accelerate that capacity. We want him to be in the lead in taking the fight against the enemies of his own country.

And that's exactly what we discussed today. We had a Joint Committee on Accelerating the Transfer of Security Responsibility Report. And it was a report that General Casey, who is with us today, and our Ambassador Zal Khalilzad, who is with us today, as well as the Prime Minister's team, delivered to both of us about how to accelerate responsibility to the Iraqi government so this person elected by the people can take the fight to those who want to destroy a young democracy.

You had a question --

Q Sir, there are no time limits here?

PRESIDENT BUSH: As quick as possible, Martha. As quick -- I've been asked about timetables ever since we got into this. All timetables mean is that it -- it is a timetable for withdrawal. You keep asking me those questions. All that does is --

Q Mr. President --

PRESIDENT BUSH: Hold on a second. All that does is set people up for unrealistic expectations. As soon as possible. And today, we made a step toward as soon as possible by transferring a -- accelerating the transfer of authorities, military authorities to the Prime Minister.

Q Did you put any pressure --

PRESIDENT BUSH: Hold on a second. Hold on, please, sir. Please. Thank you.

PRIME MINISTER MALIKI: I emphasize what the President has just said, that we have agreed together, and we are very clear together, about the importance of accelerating the transfer of the security responsibility. And be assured that the Iraqi forces and the security forces have reached a good level of competency and efficiency to protect Iraq as a country and to protect its people.

As far as the other issue related to the meeting, I have met with King Abdullah, then have met again with his Prime Minister, and a group of his ministers, and we've discussed bilateral relations that are of concern to both nations -- Iraq and Jordan -- and that relationship is based on mutual friendship and being a good host and a good neighbor. And there was not part of our agenda a trilateral meeting, so there is no problem.

Please.

Q (As translated.) Did you discuss with the President the Iranian influence that is expanding in Iraq, and the almost complete Iranian control over Baghdad, as the press sources seems to indicate? -- did you build this big wall between Iraq and Iranian? So and are you going to deal with --

PRESIDENT BUSH: Did I -- I didn't understand your first question.

Q To deal with Iranian directly?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Am I going to meet with the Iranians directly, is that the question?

Q The question of Iraq, yes.

PRIME MINISTER MALIKI: As far as the first question that was mentioned by the reporter, I think these are wrong and exaggerated information, and they are being used as one of the propaganda mechanisms to give the impression of sectarian strife so that will reach a point of no return. Because we want to emphasize that we will not allow anybody to exert their control over any part of Iraq. If there is any talk about intervention in Iraq and all the discussion, all the talks about people or other nations exerting control over Iraq, this is not true. This is a political process in Iraq. We want good relationships with our neighbors, we want complementary relationships with our neighbors to protect the region from tensions. But the main principle underlying all this is the respect of the Iraqi borders and the internal affairs of Iraq.

PRESIDENT BUSH: I believe the Iranians fear democracy, and that's why they destabilize Lebanon; that's why they are worried about the establishment of a Palestinian state.

I appreciate the Prime Minister's views that the Iraqis are plenty capable of running their own business and they don't need foreign interference from neighbors that will be destabilizing the country. I am very worried, as should the world, about Iran's desires to have a nuclear weapon and, therefore, will continue to work with the world to send a clear message to the Iranians, the Iranian government, that we will -- they will become more isolated. And my message to the Iranian people is we have no beef with the Iranian people. We respect their heritage, we respect their history, we respect their traditions. I just have a problem with a government that is isolating its people, denying its people benefits that could be had from engagement with the world.

I told the Prime Minister, we'll continue to work with the world community to insist that Iran abandon its nuclear weapons programs. And I have said that if they were to verifiably suspect their enrichment program, we would part of the EU3 plus Russia plus China discussions. They know how to get us to the table. The choice is theirs to make. It's the choice of the Iranian government as to whether or not they make the right decisions, for not only the sake of the diplomacy, but for the sake -- more importantly, for the sake of their people.

We might as well keep going, Prime Minister.

Richard. Please, sir. Please. Thank you.

Q When you were in Baghdad six months ago, you expressed the same kind of confidence in the Prime Minister and his government that you've expressed today. Yet there have been repeated rounds of disappointments when it comes to the Prime Minister's Baghdad Security Plan, with his plans for reconciliation. I'm wondering, if anything, if you've had any doubts over the last six months about the strength of his government, about the Prime Minister's own abilities. And what gives you such confidence today to think that he can achieve what he hasn't done over the last six months?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, as you mentioned, he's been in power for six months, and I've been able to watch a leader emerge. The first thing that gives me confidence is that he wants responsibility. A sign of leadership is for somebody to say, I want to be able to have the tools necessary to protect my people. One of his frustrations with me is that he believes we've been slow about giving him the tools necessary to protect the Iraqi people. And today we had a meeting that will accelerate the capacity for the Prime Minister to do the hard work necessary to help stop this violence. No question it's a violent society right now. He knows that better than anybody. He was explaining to me that occasionally the house in which he lives gets shelled by terrorists who are trying to frighten him.

And so the second point I make to you is that I appreciate his courage. You can't lead unless you have courage. And he's got courage, and he's shown courage over the last six months. Thirdly, he has expressed a deep desire to unify his country. You hear all kinds of rumors about the politics inside of Iraq. I'm talking to the man face-to-face, and he says that he understands that a unified government, a pluralistic society, is important for success. And he's making hard decisions to achieve that.

No question it's been tough. It would have been a lot easier had people not tried to destabilize the young democracy. His job would have been more simple had there not been terrorists trying to create sectarian violence.

Now, I want everybody to remember that it was Mr. Zarqawi of al Qaeda who said, let us bomb Shia in order to create the

conditions necessary for sectarian violence. The Samara bombing started off this new phase of violence. The Prime Minister comes in about halfway through that phase in order to -- he'd been selected and now he's dealing with a serious situation on the ground. And what I appreciate is his attitude. As opposed to saying, America, you go solve the problem, we have a Prime Minister who's saying, stop holding me back, I want to solve the problem.

And the meeting today was to accelerate his capacity to do so. It's not easy for a military to evolve from ground zero, and I appreciate our forces, and I appreciate General Casey, who have worked very hard to train the Iraqis so they become a capable fighting force, as well as a unifying element for Iraq. But it's one thing to put people in uniform, and another thing to have clear command structure, or the capacity to move troops from point A to point B, or the capacity to make sure that the troop carrier from point A to point B has got the necessary air in its tires or oil in its engine. In other words, this is a sophisticated operation to get a unifying army stood up.

And one of the reasons I appreciate the Prime Minister is that he, on the one hand, sees that it's a sophisticated operation to get a military up from zero, but on the other hand, is frustrated by the pace. And the reason why he's frustrated is because he wants to show the people who elected him that he is willing to take the hard tasks on necessary to provide security for the Iraqi people, such as hunting down those who are killing the innocent. And the reason I came today to be able to sit down with him is to hear the joint plans developed between the Iraqi government, the sovereign government of Iraq, and our government, to make sure that we accelerate the transfer of capacity to the Prime Minister. And I know he's looking forward to more capacity being transferred so he can do his job.

Anyway, he's the right guy for Iraq, and we're going to help him, and it's in our interest to help him, for the sake of peace.

Q Mr. President -- what is your -- Prime Minister Olmert and President Abu Mazen to keep this cease-fire agreement? And what should be done --

PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, first of all, there's no question that if we were able to settle the Palestinian-Israeli issue, it would help bring more peace to the Middle East. And therefore, our government is focused on helping develop the two-state solution. As a matter of fact, I was the -- our government strongly believes in the two-state solution, and I believe it's in the Palestinian people's interest that they have their own state. And I believe it's in Israel's interest that there be a democracy on her border. And therefore, we're working to that end.

Look, there are extremists who want to stop the development of a Palestinian state, just like there are extremists who want to destabilize Lebanon -- and we're strongly in support of the Siniora government -- just like there are extremists who want to destabilize this young democracy. Isn't it interesting that the radicals and extremists fear democracy so much that they're willing to kill innocent people? And the task at hand is to support moderate, reasonable people in their quest for free societies. And that means that Abu Mazen, who I believe wants there to be a Palestinian state living side-by-side with peace in Israel, deserves the support of the world. And he deserves support in peeling his government away from those who do not recognize Israel's right to exist.

And therefore, Condoleezza Rice will be going to talk to Abu Mazen tomorrow, as well as Prime Minister Olmert, working with both parties together to see how we can advance the vision that the Prime Minister himself talked about earlier this week.

Q And your advice to both of them?

PRESIDENT BUSH: My advice is, support reasonable people and reject extremists. Understand that most people want to live in peace and harmony and security. It's very important for the American people to understand that most Muslim mothers want their children to grow up in peace, and they're interested in peace. And it's in our interest to help liberty prevail in the Middle East, starting with Iraq.

And that's why this business about graceful exit just simply has no realism to it at all. We're going to help this government. And I'm able to say that it is -- that we have a government that wants our help and is becoming more capable about taking the lead in the fight to protect their own country. The only way that Iraq is going to be able to succeed is when the Iraqis, led by a capable person, says, we're tired of it, we don't want violence, we want the peace that our 12 million people voted for. And it's in the world's interest that Iraq succeed.

Mr. Prime Minister, you want to answer some more questions? (Laughter.) Go ahead. Hold on for a minute. Wait, wait, wait.

PRIME MINISTER MALIKI: We said six question, now this is the seventh -- this is the eighth -- eight questions.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes, this guy?

Q (As translated.) Mr. President, in light of the war that the United States is fighting against terror in Iraq, what has been accomplished? What do you expect to be accomplished after a three-year confrontation?

Another question -- other people are accusing the United States of bringing terrorism to Iraq, and the proof is that what's going on in Iraq and what's going on in Afghanistan. And the biggest loser is the Iraqi citizen.

PRESIDENT BUSH: It's an interesting analysis: the biggest loser for a free society is the Iraqi citizen when this society was just liberated from the grips of a brutal tyrant that killed thousands and thousands of the Iraqi citizens.

What has been accomplished is the liberation of a country from a tyrant who is now sitting in jail getting a trial that he was unwilling to give thousands of people he murdered himself, or had murdered.

Secondly, this country has a constitution, which is one of the most modern constitutions ever written in the Middle East. This is a government that had been elected by the people. No question it's tough. But the reason why terrorists are trying to stop the advance of freedom in Iraq is the very reason why we need to help them, because they can't stand democracies and they want to impose a hateful vision on as much of the world as possible. They want safe haven from which to launch attacks again. A safe haven in Iraq, a country that has got a lot of resources, would be very dangerous for America.

It didn't take but 19 people who were trained in Afghanistan to get on airplanes and come and kill over 3,000 citizens in my country. Threats that gather overseas must be taken seriously if we want to protect ourselves. And the best way to protect ourselves is to hunt down the terrorists and to help young democracies survive. Freedom and liberty is the great alternative to the hateful vision of those who are willing to murder innocent lives to achieve their objective.

And so, you bet it's worth it in Iraq, and necessary. And I was very proud and pleased to see 12 million Iraqis go to the polls, to be able to express their desires, their wishes, as they helped put a government in place that this man now leads.

PRIME MINISTER MALIKI: Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Good to see you, thank you.

PRIME MINISTER MALIKI: Thank you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you all.

END 10:20 A.M. (Local), For Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 30, 2006

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Prime Minister Maliki and Iraq or King Abdullah and Amman, Jordan or Baghdad and Palestinian or Israeli and Middle East or Prime Minister Olmert and President Abu Mazen

Reflections on the Riga Summit (VIDEO)

If there is to be any semblance of order and security in today’s world, the transatlantic community must accept the responsibility to act where action is required – whether the issue is to prevent terrorism or to provide humanitarian relief.

FULL STREAMING VIDEO, NATO Secretary General’s news conference and Questions and answers, (editors note, video from riga may glich and be a bit buggy. we have done our best to make it stream properly, sound quality is poor.)

Jaap de Hoop Scheffer outlines the issues to be discussed in the Latvian capital.
On 28 and 29 November NATO Heads of State and Government will meet in Riga, the capital of Latvia. It is the first Summit in one of the countries that joined the Alliance in the last enlargement round of 2004. Nothing could illustrate more clearly the breathtaking changes that have happened in Europe over the last one and a half decades.

Throughout that period of Europe’s political transformation, NATO has been transforming too, and acting as a catalyst of positive change. A brief look at NATO’s past Summits reveals how closely the Alliance’s evolution has been intertwined with Europe’s maturation into an undivided and democratic security zone. The London Summit of 1990 declared the Cold War over and offered a hand of friendship to the East. Rome 1991 defined the contours of a new NATO, including a new Strategic Concept. Brussels 1994 gave this new NATO a more concrete agenda, including potential enlargement and new mechanisms for security cooperation throughout the entire Euro-Atlantic area.

In 1997 we put the NATO-Russia relationship on a solid institutional foundation and the Madrid Summit of the same year issued invitations to three new members as well as reaching out to Ukraine. At Washington in 1999 we codified much of our crisis management experience from the Balkans, and looked to the future with a new, much broader Strategic Concept which added crisis management and Partnership to NATO’s principal task of collective defence. At the 2002 Prague Summit seven additional countries were invited to join NATO, and the Organization changed even more substantially in order to cope with the new 21st century security challenges, especially terrorism. Finally, the 2004 Istanbul Summit reinforced NATO’s commitment to building peace in Afghanistan and opened a new chapter of cooperation with countries from the broader Middle East region. All these Summits moved NATO forward from a static Alliance into a dynamic agent of change.

The Riga Summit will continue this tradition. Like previous summits, it will not have a single “showpiece”, but will advance NATO’s agenda in many critical areas. The Summit will focus on three “baskets” of work: political engagement, defence transformation, and operations. Let me say a few words about some of the principal topics in each of these baskets.

Political engagement

First, at Riga, there is the political “basket”. This includes enlargement, our partnerships, and a training initiative. NATO’s enlargement policy has already contributed significantly to spreading stability and security, especially through Central and Eastern Europe. At Riga, we will wish to emphasise our continued commitment to the open door policy and to further enlargement of the Alliance. I do not expect invitations to join the Alliance to be issued. However, Allies will encourage our three current membership aspirants, Albania, Croatia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia*, to continue the efforts they are making to qualify for membership. And Allies will probably also announce their further responses to Ukraine’s, as well as to Georgia’s, declared interest in joining the Alliance.

NATO’s partnerships are another success story. We have been building links with non-member countries since the end of the Cold War. At Riga, we will seek to preserve the elements of our Partnership framework that work well, and at the same time make them even more valuable both for our Partners, and for the Alliance. And we shall look to build closer ties with selected countries such as Australia, New Zealand, South Korea and Japan. These countries share our values, and they share our security concerns. They have demonstrated an increasing readiness to assume security responsibilities beyond their own borders, and have expressed a desire to work more closely with NATO. Cooperating with such faraway partners will not turn NATO into a global policeman. It will, however, allow us to build global partnerships. And that is a key requirement for projecting stability.

We are also looking to further enhance our outreach to our partners in the Mediterranean Dialogue and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative. The idea of a NATO Training Initiative for the broader Middle East region has received widespread support and interest, as it would focus on a subject in which NATO has unrivalled expertise.

We must continue to strengthen the role of NATO as a forum for political dialogue as well. We need to foster a more forward-looking dialogue among the Allies. We must not limit ourselves to discussing immediate challenges related to current operations, but also look ahead. Indeed, no topic should be off limits. At NATO, we have made a good start. For example, we have been discussing issues such as the Middle East, support for African Union peacekeeping, and energy security. Over time, this will lead to a greater awareness of the crucial issues of our age, a precondition for any common approach.

Defence transformation

Heads of state and government will also want to ensure that NATO has the right capabilities to maximise our chances of success in these and future operations and missions. And this leads me to the second “basket” of work at Riga – defence transformation. Projecting stability requires forces that can react quickly, that can be deployed over long distances, and that can be sustained over a long period of time. And we need forces that are capable of performing both high intensity combat tasks and post-conflict reconstruction work. We have made good progress in developing such capabilities. The NATO Response Force, which should be fully operational by the time of the Riga Summit, will enable us to react to new challenges even more quickly. Several initiatives to enhance our capabilities in critical areas – such as air- and sealift, command and control, and logistics – have also yielded tangible results.

However, still more needs to be done if NATO is to meet the challenges ahead. That is why, at Riga, we will move beyond taking stock of the progress made so far, and also take a hard look at our force planning and force generation procedures to better match our political decisions and military commitments. We will also look at how to adapt our funding arrangements to make them fairer, so that nations can more easily commit to operations. All these steps will ensure that future missions can be better planned, equipped, and paid for. This will further strengthen our ability to deploy the right forces at the right time.

Operations

In the past, NATO’s main concern was to safeguard our member countries from foreign invasion or political intimidation. Today, our security can be affected by developments that happen entirely within the borders of another country. Regional conflicts, terrorism, failed states and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are challenges that do not lend themselves to the traditional, pre-planned and well-rehearsed military solutions of the Cold War. Nor can they be met with a purely reactive approach. We must defend against these new threats in an entirely new way by projecting stability. Territorial defence remains a core function, but we simply can no longer protect our security without addressing the potential risks and threats that arise far from our homes. Either we tackle these problems when and where they emerge, or they will end up on our doorstep.

This is the logic that lies at the heart of NATO’s operations. And these operations, from the Balkans to the Hindu Kush, are making a difference. If the Western Balkan countries are now at peace and on their way into the European mainstream, it is because the international community, and notably NATO, got engaged. And if the Afghan people are now again in control of their own future, it is because soldiers from NATO and partner nations provide the secure environment that is essential for rebuilding the country.

These operations are proof that engagement matters and that it produces tangible results. But NATO cannot rest on its laurels. Developments over the last few years have clearly shown that the demand for NATO is growing. If we want to be able to cope with these additional demands, we must push NATO’s adaptation further, building on our operational experience. At Riga, heads of state and government will consider the situation in Afghanistan, where NATO is being seriously tested. And they will also consider how NATO’s engagement can continue to contribute to the future of Kosovo after the Status Talks come to an end.

Beyond Riga

These are the key subjects for the Riga Summit this November but it would be wrong to think that they are the only issues on NATO’s plate. The Alliance’s overall agenda is even broader. Independent of the Summit, we will continue to work closely with Russia and look to deepen this essential relationship even further. And we continue to work towards establishing closer ties with other institutions, notably the EU and the UN, as well as with non-governmental organisations. Cooperation on the ground is working relatively well, but we need greater cooperation at the institutional level, so that we all work to the same end, complementing and mutually reinforcing our individual activities.

Conclusion

In an increasingly small and interdependent world, equating security with the security of one’s own territory clearly is much too narrow a definition of national interest. If there is to be any semblance of order and security in today’s world, the transatlantic community must accept the responsibility to act where this is required whether the issue is to prevent terrorism or to provide humanitarian relief. It is this understanding of security that has inspired NATO’s evolution since the end of the Cold War. This evolution will continue, along the lines that I have just outlined with new capabilities, more dialogue, more partners, new ties to other institutions, and, eventually, new members. The Riga Summit will be a focal point for these efforts. It will be another strong demonstration that NATO is meeting the challenge of change.

Jaap de Hoop Scheffer is Secretary General of NATO.

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Tallinn, Estonia and President Toomas Hendrik Ilves or Prime Minister Andrus Ansip and Riga, Latvia or NATO Summit and Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel or VAIRA VIKE-FREIBERGA and President of France, Jacques Chirac or Jaap de Hoop Scheffer and Secretary General of NATO

Rīga NATO Summit Photo Gallery

Rīga Summit, 29 November 2006, Please credit NATO photos. (editors note; files are large, NATO image server is slow, revealing images are worth the wait.)

UPDATE: 04/27/07 NATO has since moved these files to a much faster server and we have updated the links below.

Family portrait with Heads of State and Government(Photo ~300Kb)

The Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel enters the room for the family portrait(Photo ~300Kb)

From left to right: the Prime Minister of Italy, Romano Prodi and the President of France, Jacques Chirac(Photo ~300Kb)

From left to right: the Prime Minister of Luxembourg, Jean-Claude Juncker, the Prime Minister of Italy, Romano Prodi and the President of France, Jacques Chirac(Photo ~300Kb)

From left to right: NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer and the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel(Photo ~300Kb)

Back - from left to right: the Prime Minister of Greece, Costas Karamanlis and the President of the United States, George W. BushFront right: NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer(Photo ~300Kb)

Front - from left to right: the President of the United States, George W. Bush, the President of the Czech Republic, Václav Klaus and the President of Lithuania, Valdas Adamkus(Photo ~300Kb)

From left to right: NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel and the President of the United States, George W. Bush(Photo ~300Kb)

Back from left to right: the Prime Minister of Slovenia, Janez Janša and the Prime Minister of Spain Jose ZapateroFrom left to right: the President of the Slovak Republic, Ivan Gašparovič and the President of Bulgaria, Georgi Parvanov(Photo ~300Kb)

From left to right: the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel and the President of the United States, George W. Bush(Photo ~300Kb)

Front - from left to right: The President of Latvia, Vaira Vīķe-Freiberga, NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer and the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel(Photo ~300Kb)

Family portrait(Photo ~300Kb)

The President of France, Jacques Chirac and the President of the Latvia, Vaira Vīķe-Freiberga(Photo ~300Kb)

From left to right: NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel and the President of the United States, George W. Bush(Photo ~300Kb)

Family portrait with Heads of State and Government(Photo ~300Kb)

Family portrait with Heads of State and Government(Photo ~300Kb)

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Tallinn, Estonia and President Toomas Hendrik Ilves or Prime Minister Andrus Ansip and Riga, Latvia or NATO Summit and Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel or VAIRA VIKE-FREIBERGA and President of France, Jacques Chirac

NATO’s Rīga Summit begins VIDEO, PODCAST, TEXT

The official logo for Riga Summit of NATO Heads of State and Government was presented in Riga on May 17, 2006.

It was chosen among 148 works of Latvia's artists that participated in the national competition for Riga NATO Summit logo design.

Speech of the President of the USA George W. Bush 28.11.2006. University of Latvia. Speech of the President of the USA George W. Bush. Introductory words by the President of Latvia.

(editors note, video and podcast from riga is somewhat out of order and may glich and be a bit buggy. we have done our best to make it stream properly but there are errors. )

FULL STREAMING VIDEO PART 1 -- PART 2, -- PART 3, -- PART 4, -- PART 5, -- PART 6.

PODCAST PART 1, -- PART 2, -- PART 3 -- PART 4, -- PART 5

UNIDENTIFIED PARTICIPANT: Ladies and gentlemen, the Co-chairman of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, Marc Leland. Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the Republic of Latvia, Her Excellency, Vaira Vike-Freiberga. Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States.

MARC LELAND, CO CHAIRMAN GERMAN MARSHALL FUND OF UNITED STATES: Thank you. I am on this program very briefly, supposedly to introduce these two eminent Presidents who are here, since to use an old cliche, they obviously neither one needs an introduction.

I just want to take a brief opportunity to thank the two Presidents for all they have done.

First, to thank the President of Latvia. As you all know here and as we have seen this Summit, the conference, are all being done in appreciation of your accomplishments over the last years as the President of Latvia.

Last June, when you came to Washington, you were kind enough to come and speak at the German Marshall Fund and it was clear to me then and it has become even clearer to me now at this conference watching you and listening to you, that your experience as an experienced psychologist has not only helped you in politics, but it has helped you be President.

And I know it will continue to do so in a great career that you will have after next summer when you have term limits. I also want to thank my President, the President of the United States. It is a great personal honor for me to welcome the other President I have to say. I have known him since the 1980s and I can tell you that neither one of us ever expected to be in Riga and certainly not together.

But it is very appropriate that the President is in Latvia, a country that many people, as Madam President said last night, thought would never be free. And it is a perfect example of a very free country because of its perseverance.

The President has a great capacity for friendship and he has expanded that capacity, I would have to say, worldwide.

Soon after his re-election, he came and spoke at another GMF event in Brussels and then went on to Bratislava. Everybody knows that he has been doing a lot of travel recently - in Asia last week, in Estonia and here and then he goes on to the Middle East.

We, on behalf of everybody here and the GMF, Mr. President, I just want to thank you for taking the timeto come and speak to this group. It's been a very interesting conference and I know they all look forward to hearing you.

And for the lady who needs no introduction, I will now introduce her to introduce and welcome the President.

VAIRA VIKE-FREIBERGA, PRESIDENT OF LATVIA: Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister, Speaker of the House of Parliament of Latvia, excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it's truly a delight to be able to stand here

in front of such a distinguished audience and for the second time in less than two years to be able to introduce a speaker here in Riga, the President of the United States.

It is particularly gratifying to do so on this eve of the 2006 Summit of NATO in Riga. An event for which we have been planning a long time but an event that we have been dreaming about for even longer.

And, indeed, when Latvia recovered it's independence at long last in 1991 it was all it could do to try and keep that independence. To sort of glow on that flame of liberty and see if we could survive in a world that, of course, was there to receive but to receive us on it's own terms.

We had to change every thing in our country and our system. We had to adapt and do it very quickly. Change can be painful. Reforms take a lot of effort. I am proud of my people and of the efforts that they have expended and at the results they have achieved but we have been able to do so because our people have never lost their faith in liberty. And they have never lost their conviction that they had a right to be free and that the democratic system is the only one that is worth living, the one in which every citizen has a chance to contribute to making a better world.

As we recovered our own democracy, of course, we have also seen it has failings. We have not reached perfection from one day to the next. We have made mistakes and that's precisely the privilege of a democracy; of making mistakes and learning from them.

We have had disagreements and continue to do so on a variety of issues. That, too, is a fundamental tenant of democracy.

But the one thing that is simply fundamental is the freedom to be able to express one's views, the freedom to chart one's course, and to adopt it and the freedom to freely choose one's friends and one's allies.

And in that sense, every step of the way we have felt that for Latvia, the United States is a country who's principles, who's ideals are very much the same as our own. There's a country that in spite of its wealth and influence has never forgotten the principle's set forth by its founding fathers. It's a country that believes in moral principles but is ready to die for them if need be.

That sort of commitment, that sort of support that we have felt, we, of course, in turn now stand ready to pass on to others. We like to think of democracy as some thing that is catching, in the sense that it is an example to others that they would wish to follow. It is not some thing that we can sell, it is not some thing we can force on people. But we certainly can convince them of the benefits of it and most of all we'd like to give them a chance.

I would like to thank very much the United States for itself to Latvia and the other foreign nations to regain their freedom and liberty to regain their ability to make their own choices. It is a privilege to me for the second time in such a short period to give to you a speaker today, a man who believes deeply in the rights of democracy to believe deeply in human freedom and human dignity ladies and gentle man I give to you the 43rd President of the United States of American, George W. Bush.

GEORGE W BUSH, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Labeone (ph), Madam President, thank you for your kind words, thank you for your leadership and thank you for friendship.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minster, Senator Sessions from the great State of Alabama who is with us. Marc Leland, my friend from a long period of time. I want to thank the rector of this important university, distinguished guests, ladies and gentleman, thank you for your warm welcome. I am delighted to be back in Riga.

I appreciate the lead Latvia Transatlantic Organization, the Commission of Strategic Analysis and the German Marshall Fund of the United States for organizing this important conference.

This is my third visit to the Baltics as the President of the United States. And it is my second visit to this beautiful city. I just can't stay away.

I am thrilled and honored to back here. And I bring greetings and good wishes of the American people. Not far from where we meet today stands Riga's freedom monument. It was erected in 1935 during this country's brief period of independence between the two world wars.

During the dark years of Soviet occupation, the simple act of laying flowers at the foot of this monument was considered a crime by communist authorities. In 1989, the monument was a scene of one of the most remarkable protests in the history of freedom: hundreds of thousands of people stood together and formed a human chain that stretched nearly 400 miles across the Baltics.

From Tallinn in the north, to downtown Riga to the heart of Vilnius. By joining hands, the people of this region showed their unity, and their determination to live in freedom, and made clear to the Soviet authorities that the Baltic people would accept nothing less than complete independence. It took more years of struggle.

But today, the Baltic nations have taken their rightful place in the community of free nations. And Latvia is a host for an important NATO summit. The first time our alliance has meet in one of the captive nations and (INAUDIBLE) by the Soviet Union.

It's a proud day for the people of Latvia and all the Baltic states. And on be half of the American people, I thank you for our hospitality, your friendship and the courage you are showing in the NATO alliance.

As members of NATO, you are vital part of the most effective multilateral organization in the world and the most important military alliance in history. As NATO allies, you will never again stand alone in defense of your freedom, and you'll never be occupied by a foreign power.

Each of the Baltic countries is meeting this obligation to strengthen NATO by bringing new energy and vitality and clarity of purpose to the alliance. Your love of liberty has made NATO stronger. And with your help, our alliance is rising to meet the great challenges and responsibilities of this young century by making NATO the world's most effective united force for freedom.

One of the great responsibilities of this alliance is to strengthen and expand the circle of freedom here in Europe. In the nearly six decades since NATO's founding, Europe has experienced an unprecedented expansion of liberty. A continent that was once divided by an ugly wall is now united in freedom.

Yet the work of united Europe is not fully complete. Many nations that threw off the shackles of tyranny are still working to build the free institutions that are the foundation of successful democracies.

NATO is encouraging these nations on the path to reform. And as governments make hard decisions for their people, they will be welcomed into the institutions of the Euro-Atlantic community.

After I took office in 2001, I declared that the United States believes in NATO membership for all of Europe's democracies that seek it and are ready to share the responsibility that NATO brings.

Following a year in Prague, we invited seven nations to join our alliance: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovakia and Slovenia. Here in Riga, we'll make clear that the door to NATO membership remains open. And in our next summit in 2008, we hope to issue additional invitations to nations that are ready for membership.

Today, Croatia, Macedonia and Albania are all participating in NATO's membership action plan. And the United States supports their aspirations to join the Atlantic Alliance. Georgia is seeking NATO membership as well. And as it continues on the path to reform, we will continue to support Georgia's desire to become a NATO ally.

We're also supporting the leaders of Ukraine as they work to curb corruption, promote the rule of law and serve the cause of peace. Our position is clear as democracy takes hold in Ukraine and its leaders peruse vital reforms, NATO membership will be open to the Ukrainian people if they choose it.

We're also working with Russia. To the NATO/Russia Council, we recognize that Russia is a vital and important country and that it's our interest to increase our cooperation with Russia in areas such as countering terrorism and preventing the spread of weapons of mash destruction by building ties between Russia and this alliance. We will strengthen our common security and we will advance the cause of peace.

As we help the new democracies of Europe join the institutions of Europe, we must not forget those who still anguish in tyranny. Just across the boarder from here lies the nation of Belarus, a place where peaceful protestors are beaten and opposition leaders are dispersed by the agents of a cruel regime.

The existence of such oppression in our midst offends the conscience of Europe and it offends the conscience of America. We have a message for the people of Belarus, the vision of a Europe: whole, free and at peace includes you, and we stand with you in your struggle for freedom.

Another great responsibility of this Alliance is to transform for new challenges. When NATO was formed in 1949, its principal mission was to protect Europe from a Soviet tank invasion. Today the Soviet threat is gone. And under the able leadership of the Secretary General, NATO is transforming from a static alliance focused on the defense of Europe into an expeditionary Alliance ready to deploy outside of Europe in the defense of freedom.

This is a vital mission. Over the past six years, we have taken decisive action to transform our capabilities in the Alliance. We created a new NATO transformation command to insure that our Alliance is always preparing for the threats for the future. We created a new NATO battalion to counter the threats of enemies armed with weapons of mass destruction.

We created a new NATO response force to ensure that our Alliance can deploy rapidly and effectively. Here in Riga we are taking new steps to build on this progress. At this Summit, we will launch a NATO special operations forces initiative that will strengthen the ability of special operations personnel from NATO nations to work together on the battlefield.

We will announce a new strategic air lift initiative that will ensure that participating NATO members have a dedicated fleet of C-17 aircraft at their disposal. We will launch the Riga global Partnership Initiative that will allow NATO to conduct joint training and joint exercises and common defense planning with nations like Japan and Australia, countries that share NATO's values and want to work with our Alliance in the cause of peace.

We will launch a new NATO training cooperation initiative that will allow military forces in the Middle East to receive NATO training and counter terrorism and counter proliferation and peace support operations.

As we take these steps, every NATO nation must take the defensive - must make the defensive investments necessary to give NATO the capabilities it needs so that our alliance is ready for any challenge that may emerge in the decades to come.

The most basic responsibility of this alliance is to defend our people against the threats of the new century. We are in a long struggle against terrorists and extremists who follow a hateful ideology and seek to establish a totalitarian empire from Spain to Indonesia. We fight against the extremists who desire safe havens and are willing to kill innocents anywhere to achieve their objectives.

NATO has recognized this threat. And three years ago NATO took an unprecedented step when it sent allied forces to defend a young democracy, more than 3,000 miles from Europe. Since taking command of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, NATO has expanded it from a small force that was operating only in Kabul into a robust force that conducts security operations in all of Afghanistan.

NATO is helping to train the Afghan National Army. The alliance is operating 25 provincial reconstruction teams that are helping the central government extend its reach into distant regions of that country.

At this moment, all 26 NATO allies and 11 partner nations are contributing forces to NATO's mission in Afghanistan. They're serving with courage, and they're doing the vital work necessary to help this young democracy secure the peace.

We saw the effectiveness of NATO forces this summer when NATO took charge of security operations in Southern Afghanistan from the United States. The Taliban radicals that were trying to pull down Afghanistan's democracy and regain power saw the transfer from American to NATO control as a window of opportunity to test the will of the alliance.

So the Taliban massed a large fighting force near Khandahar to face the NATO troops head on. It was a mistake. Together with the Afghan National Army, NATO forces from Canada and Denmark and the Netherlands and Britain and Australia and the United States engaged the enemy with operational support from Romanian, Portuguese and Estonian forces. According to NATO commanders, allied forces fought bravely and inflicted great damage on the Taliban.

General David Richards, the British commander of NATO troops in Afghanistan puts it this way, "There were doubts about NATO and our ability to conduct demanding security operations. There are no questions about our ability now. We've killed many hundreds of Taliban and it has removed any doubt in anybody's mind that NATO can do what we were sent here to do."

Taliban and al Qaeda fighters and drug traffickers and criminal elements and local warlords remain active and committed to destroying democracy in Afghanistan. Defeating them will require the full-commitment of our alliance. For NATO to succeed, it's commanders on the ground must have the resources and flexibility they need to do their jobs.

This alliance was founded on a clear principle, an attack on one is an attack on all. That principle holds true whether the attack is on our home-soil or on our forces deployed on our NATO mission abroad.

Today Afghanistan is NATO's most important military operation. And by standing together in Afghanistan we will protect our people, defend our freedom and send a clear message to the extremists - the forces of freedom and decency will prevail.

Every ally can take pride in the transformation that NATO is making possible for the people of Afghanistan. Because of our efforts, Afghanistan has gone from a totalitarian nightmare to a free nation with an elected president, a democratic constitution, and brave soldiers and police fighting for their country.

Over 4.6 million Afghan refugees have come home. It's one of the largest return movements in history. The Afghan economy has tripled in size over the last five years. About 2 million girls are now in school, compared to zero under the Taliban, and 85 women were elected or appointed to the Afghan National Assembly.

A nation that was once a terrorist sanctuary has been transformed into a ally in the war on terror led by a brave president, Mohammed Karzai.

Our work in Afghanistan is bringing freedom to the Afghani people. It is bringing security to the Euro Atlantic community and it is bringing pride to the NATO alliance.

NATO allies are also making vital contributions to the struggle for freedom in Iraq. At this moment, a dozen NATO allies, including every one of the Baltic nations, are contributing forces to the coalition in Iraq. And 18 NATO countries, plus Ukraine, are contributing forces to the NATO training mission that is helping develop the next generation of leaders for the Iraqi security forces.

Today NATO has trained nearly 3,000 Iraqi personnel, including nearly 2,000 officers and civilian defense officials trained inside Iraq plus an additional 800 Iraqi trained outside the country.

NATO has also helped Iraqis stand up a new military academy near Baghdad so Iraqis can develop their own military leaders in the years to come.

And NATO has contributed $128 million in military equipment to the Iraqi military including 77 Hungarian T-72 battle tanks.

By helping to equip the Iraqi security forces and training the next group of Iraqi military leaders, NATO is helping the Iraqi people in the difficult work of securing their country in their freedom.

Tomorrow I am going to travel to Jordan where I will meet with the Prime Minster of Iraq. We will discuss this situation on the ground in this country, our ongoing efforts to transport more responsibility to the Iraqi security forces and the responsibility of other nations in the region to support the security and stability of Iraq. We will continue to be flexible. And we will make the changes necessary to succeed.

But there is one thing I am not going to do. I am not going to pull our troops off the battlefield before the mission is complete. The battles in Iraq and Afghanistan are part of a struggle between moderation and extremism that is unfolding across the broader middle east. Our enemy follows a hateful ideology that rejects fundamental freedoms like the freedom to speak, to assemble, or to worship god in a way you see fit. It opposes the rights for women. Their goal is to overthrow governments and to impose their totalitarian rule on millions.

They have a strategy to achieve these aims. They seek to convince America and our allies that we cannot defeat them and that our only hope is withdrawal and abandoned an entire region to their domination.

The war on terror that we fight today is more than a military conflict. It is the decisive ideological struggle of the 21st century. And in this struggle, we can accept nothing less than victory for our children and our grandchildren.

We see the struggle in Lebanon where last week gunmen assassinated that country's industry minister, Pierre Gemayel, a prominent leader of the movement that secured Lebanon independence last year. His murder showed once again the viciousness of those who are trying to destabilize Lebanon's young democracy.

We see the struggle in Syria where the regime allows Iranian weapons to pass through its territory into Lebanon and provides weapons and political support to Hezbollah.

We see the struggle in Iran where a reactionary regime subjugates its proud people, arrests free trade union leaders and uses Iran's resources to fund the spread of terror and pursue nuclear weapons.

We see the struggle in the Palestinian territories where extremists are working to stop moderate leaders from making progress toward the vision of two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security.

In each of these places, extremists are using terror to stop the spread of freedom. Some are Shia extremists, other are Sunni extremists. But they represent different faces of the same threat. And if they succeed in undermining fragile democracies and drive the forces of freedom out of the region, they will have an open field to pursue their goals.

Each strain of violent Islamic radicalism will be embolded in its efforts to gain control of states and establish new safe havens. The extremists would use oil resources to fuel their radical agenda. And to punish industrialized nations and pursue weapons of mass destruction. Armed with nuclear weapons they could blackmail the free world, spread their ideologies of hate, and raise a mortal threat to Europe, America, and the entire civilized world.

If we allow the extremists to do this, then 50 years from now history will look back on our time with unforgiving clarity and demand to know why we did not act.

Our alliance has a responsibility to act. We must lift up and support the moderates and reformers who are working for change across the broader Middle East. We must bring hope to millions by strengthening young democracies from Kabul to Baghdad to Beirut. And we must advance freedom as the great alternative to tyranny and terror.

I know some in my country, and some here in Europe are pessimistic about the prospects of democracy and peace in the Middle East. Some doubt whether the people of that region are ready for freedom or want it badly enough, or have the courage to overcome the forces of totalitarian extremism.

I understand these doubts, but I do not share them. I believe in the universality of freedom. I believe that the people of the Middle East want their liberty. I'm impressed by the courage I see in the people across the region who are fighting for that liberty. We see this courage in the eight million Afghan's who defied terrorist threats and went to the polls to choose their leaders.

We see this courage in the nearly 12 million Iraqi's who refused to let the car bombers and assassins stop them from voting for the free future of their country. We see this courage in the more than one million Lebanese who voted for a free and sovereign government to rule their land. And we see this courage in citizens from Damascus to Tehran, who like the citizens of Riga before them keep the flame of liberty burning deep within their hearts knowing that one day it's light will shine throughout their nations.

There was a time not so long ago when many doubted that liberty could succeed in Europe.

BUSH: There was a time not so long ago, when many doubted that liberty could succeed in Europe. Here in the Baltics many can still recall the early years of the "Cold War," when freedom's victory was no so obvious or assured. In 1944, the Soviet Red army reoccupied Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, plunging this region into nearly five decades of Communist rule.

In 1947, Communist forces were threatening Greece and Turkey. The reconstruction of Germany was faltering and mass starvation was setting in across Europe.

In 1948, Czechoslovakia fell to Communism. France and Italy were threatened by the same fate and Berlin was blockaded on the orders of Joseph Stalin.

In 1949, the Soviet Union exploded a nuclear weapon and weeks later Communist forces took control in China.

And in the summer of 1950, seven North Korean Divisions poured across the border into South Korea marking the start of the first direct military clash of the Cold War.

All of this took place in the six years following World War II.

And today, six decades later, the Cold War is over, the Soviet Union is no more and the NATO Alliance is meeting in the capital of a free Latvia.

Europe no longer produces armed ideologies that threaten other nations with aggression and conquest and occupation. And a continent that was for generations a source for instability and global war has become a source of stability and peace.

Freedom in Europe has brought peace to Europe. And freedom has brought the power to bring peace to the broader Middle East.

Soon after I took office, I spoke to the students at Warsaw University. I told them American has learned the lessons of history - I said no more Munichs and no more Yaltas. I was speaking at the time about Europe. But the lessons of Yalta apply equally across the world.

The question facing our nations today is this: will we turn the fate of millions over to totalitarian extremists and allow the enemy to impose their hateful ideology across the Middle East? Or will we stand with the forces of freedom in that part of the world and defend the moderate majority who want a future of peace?

My country has made its choice and so has the NATO Alliance. We refuse to give in to the pessimism that consigns millions across the Middle East to endless oppression. We understand that ultimately the only path to lasting peace is to the rise of lasting free societies.

Here in the Baltic region, many understand that freedom is universal and worth the struggle. During the Second World War, a young girl here in Riga escaped with her family from the advancing Red army. She fled westward, moving first to a refugee camp in Germany and then later to Morocco where she and her family settled for five-and-a-half years.

Spending her teen age years in a Muslim nation, this Latvian girl came to understand a fundamental truth about humanity - moms and dads in the Muslim world want the same things for their children as moms and dads here in Riga: a future of peace, a change to live in freedom and the opportunity to build a better life.

Today that Latvian girl is the leader of a free country, the iron lady of the Baltics, the President of Latvia.

(APPLAUSE)

And the lessons she learned growing up in Casablanca guide her as she leads her nation in this world.

Here's how she put it earlier this year in an address to the joint meeting of the United States congress. "We know the value of freedom, and feel compassion for those who are still deprived of it. Every nation on earth is entitled to freedom, your president said." She said, "we must share the dream that some day there won't be a tyranny left any where in the world. We must work for this future, all of us large and small together. Like your president, I believe this dream is within reach. And through the NATO alliance, nations large and small are working together to achieve it."

We thank the people of Latvia for your contributions to NATO.

And for the powerful example you set for liberty. I appreciate your hospitality at this summit. America is proud to call you friends and allies in the cause of peace and freedom. May God bless you and may God continue to bless America.

Thank you very much.

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Tallinn, Estonia and President Toomas Hendrik Ilves or Prime Minister Andrus Ansip and Riga, Latvia or NATO Summit and Air Force One or VAIRA VIKE-FREIBERGA

Laura Bush White House Christmas Tree (VIDEO)

Mrs. Bush's Receives the White House Christmas Tree, FULL STREAMING VIDEO, North Portico 10:32 A.M. EST

MRS. BUSH: Hi, everybody. How are you all? Well, we're here once again -- Christmas comes faster and faster the older you get, I think. This year, the Boteks, from Pennsylvania,

have given the big tree, and these are their grandchildren who are on the wagon up here, that brought the tree in.

We're so excited to once again start all the decorations. The decorators are here from around the country to decorate the White House, and I think we'll reveal the decorations to all of you this Thursday,

I believe. They'll finish up probably on Wednesday and then we'll invite the press inside to come see it. And the big, big tree that the Boteks have grown in Pennsylvania will be the tree in the Blue Room, decorated beautifully once again for this holiday season.

I'm so thrilled and honored that you all would donate a tree to the White House this season. Thank you all very, very much, and thank you for your long interest in growing trees -- they've been growing trees, they've had a tree farm since 1964, so that's a wonderful thing.

So thanks, everybody, and happy holidays -- this is the very start of the holidays, even though it's not even December, but we're getting ready to have it be December.

END 10:34 A.M. EST

For Immediate Release, Office of the First Lady, November 27, 2006

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Laura Bush and Christmas tree or Douglas fir and holiday season or Blue Room and Boteks

President Signs S. 435, S. 819, S. 1131, S. 2464, and S. 3880

President Signs S. 435, S. 819, S. 1131, S. 2464, and S. 3880, On Monday, November 27, 2006, the President signed into law:

S. 435, the "Lower Farmington River and Salmon Brook Wild and Scenic River Study Act of 2005," which designates a segment of the Farmington River and Salmon Brook, in the State of Connecticut, for study for potential addition to the National Wild and Scenic Rivers System;

S. 819, the "Pactola Reservoir Reallocation Authorization Act of 2005," which authorizes the Department of the Interior to reallocate a portion of construction costs of the Pactola Dam and Reservoir, South Dakota, from irrigation purposes to municipal, industrial, and fish and wildlife purposes;

S. 1131, the "Idaho Land Enhancement Act," which directs the Departments of Agriculture and the Interior to convey to the State of Idaho approximately 7,825 acres of Federal land in exchange for approximately 11,815 acres of State land;

S. 2464, the "Fort McDowell Indian Community Water Rights Settlement Revision Act of 2006," which cancels the obligation of the Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation to repay a loan from the Federal government; and provides that the Department of the Interior is not obligated to obtain mitigation property or develop additional farm acreage under the Fort McDowell Indian Community Water Rights Settlement Act of 1990; and

S. 3880, the "Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act," which expands criminal prohibitions against the use of force, violence, and threats involving animal enterprises and increases penalties for violations of these prohibitions.

# # # Immediate Release, Office of the Press Secretary, November 27, 2006

Search Bill with THOMAS Word/Phrase Bill Number

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Scenic River Study and Reservoir Reallocation Authorization Act or Idaho Land Enhancement Act and Fort McDowell Indian Community Water Rights or Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act

President Bush NATO Sunrise

President George W. Bush is greeted by a warm sunrise as he walks to Air Force One Monday, Nov. 27, 2006, en route to Tallinn, Estonia, where he will meet with the President Toomas Hendrik Ilves and Prime Minister Andrus Ansip.

President Bush will then travel to Riga, Latvia, to participate in the NATO Summit. White House photo by Eric Draper, Latvia
Ambassador Catherine Todd Bailey and Background Notes

Technorati Tags: President Bush and White House or Tallinn, Estonia and President Toomas Hendrik Ilves or Prime Minister Andrus Ansip and Riga, Latvia or NATO Summit and Air Force One

The 'Freakonomics of food'

Mindless Eating: Why We Eat More Than We Think

The good news behind our mindless eating, Do you hate Brussels sprouts because your mother did" Does the size of your plate determine how hungry you feel" Why do you actually overeat at healthy restaurants"

"You can ask your smartest friend why he or she just ate what they ate, and you won’t get an answer any deeper than, 'It sounded good,'" says Brian Wansink, Ph.D.), author of "Mindless Eating: Why We Eat More Than We Think," and Professor and Director of the Cornell Food and Brand Lab.

Dubbed the "Freakonomics of food" by the Canadian Broadcasting Commission, Mindless Eating, uses hidden cameras, two-way mirrors, and hundreds of studies to show why we eat what and how much we eat. "The unique thing about his work is that it cleverly answers everyday questions about food and shows translates them into Good News – how we can improve it," said Seth Roberts, Ph.D., a psychology professor at the University of California at Berkeley.

Take how much we eat. Wansink claims we typically don’t overeat because we are hungry or because the food tastes good. Instead we overeat because of the cues around us – family and friends, packages and plates, shapes and smells, distractions and distances, cupboards and containers.

Consider your holiday ice cream bowl. If you spoon 3 ounces of ice cream onto a small bowl, it will look like a lot more than if you had spooned it into a large bowl. Even if you intended to carefully follow your diet, the larger bowl would likely influence you to serve more. This tricks even the pros.

During one holiday party, Wansink and his Lab put this to the test by inviting 63 distinguished nutritional science professors at a leading university to an holiday ice cream social. When they arrived, they were given either medium-size 17-ounce bowls or large-size 34-ounce bowls. "Even though these people think, sleep, lecture and study nutrition," Wansink said, "They still served themselves and ate 31 percent more ice cream (106 more calories) if they had been given a big bowl."

If experts can’t control mindless eating, what help is there for the rest of us" Here’s the good news reassures Wansink, "As Mindless Eating shows, what we eat and how much we eat – is so automatic, the easiest changes are those that are smallest."

At a holiday buffet" Use a smaller plate, or put only two items on your plate during any given trip to the table. Return as many times as you like, but only take two items each time.

Meticulous studies outline why we are consistently influenced, but they also provide the silver lining. If we know that we tend to pour 28% more into short wide glasses than in tall thin ones, the secret is simply getting rid of the short glasses. ###

More on the topic can be found at MindlessEating.org, which also shows photos of studies and top tips for the holidays – and beyond.

Contact: Sandra Cuellar src6@cornell.edu 607-254-6302 Cornell Food & Brand Lab

Technorati Tags: Freakonomics and food or mindless eating and overeat and Cornell Food and Brand Lab or Brian Wansink and nutritional science or University of California at Berkeley and Canadian Broadcasting Commission